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Trinidad Slave Census of in1813 And other population numbers

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Total number of African slaves in Trinidad in 1813 was 25,696. Of these 11,633 were Creole slaves, that is, born on the estates or in the households of their owners. These can be broken down thus: 7,088 born in Trinidad, 2,576 from British Colonies, 1,593 from French Colonies, and 376 from other places.
Source, B. W. Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean 1807 --1834.

Total number of African slaves in Trinidad 13,984. Comprising :–
Ibo, South Eastern Nigeria                2,863
Congo, Congo                                   2,450                                    
Moco, Cameroons                             2,240                            
Mandingo,  Senegambia                    1,421
Kormantyn, Ghana, Gold Coast,
Fanti, Ashanti, others                         1,068
Kwakwa, Ivory Coast                           473
Sierra Leone, Temne 169, Susu 145
Kissi, 63,                                               377
Ibibio, South Eastern Nigeria                371
Raddah, Dahomey                                 281
Chamba, Nigeria                                   275
Fulani, Northern Nigeria                       171
Popo, Dahomey                                     112
Hausa, Northern Nigeria                       109
Yoruba, Western Nigeria                         10

Various tribal groupings                        818

             * * *

Trinidad's population in 1783 Source, L. M. Fraser, History of Trinidad, Book 1
Whites                                                   126
Free Colourds                                        295
Slaves                                                    310
Amerindians                                       2,032
                                                           _____
                                                           2,763

In 1797 at the time of the British conquest of Trinidad the population stood as:-
                                        WHITES:
Men                  Women                   Boys                  Girls                 Total
929                     590                        301                     266                 2,086

                                    FREE COLOUREDS:
1,196                1,624                        895                    751                  4,466

                                        AMERINDIANS:
305                     401                         190                    186                   1,082

                                               SLAVES:
4,164                3,505                       1,232                 1,108                10,009
_____             ______                     ______              ______             _______
6,594                6,120                        2,618                2,311               17,643


Trinidad's population in 1803:
                                 Whites             Coloured
English                       663                  599
Spanish                      505                1,751
French                     1,093                2,925
                               ––––––             –––––
                                2,261                5,275              7,563  
Enslaved Africans                                                 20,000

            * * *

In 1796 the produce of the island of Trinidad had been:-
From 159 Sugar estates                                  7,800 hhds (hogheads)
  ''     130 Coffee   "                                   330,000 lbs
  "       60 Cacao    "                                     96,000  "
  "     103 Cotton   "                                   224,000  "

          * * *

In 1803 the produce of the island of Trinidad had been:-
Sugar                                                       16,014,036 lbs
Rum                                                              344,292 galls.
Molasses                                                       214,120   "
Cacao                                                            361,070 lbs
Coffee                                                           185,658  "
Cotton                                                           478,046  "
                                                    

Cocoa estates owned by French Creole families 1916

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A list of cocoa estates owned by French families in 1916, a period that may be considered a high point in the economy of Trinidad.
Out of some one thousand cocoa estates  in 1916 (Franklyn's Year Book 1916) the French Creole holdings were: (some names are not French but these people were considered to be a part of that comunity)
 Centeno 1. de la Payrouse 4. de Martini 1. Blanc 1. de Gannes 8. Cipriani 4. Leoteaud 8. Quesnel 1. Stollmeyer 9. Sellier 4. Garcia 1. Caracciolo 4. Delisle 3. Luces 3 de Verteuil 14 llanos 1. Giuseppi 2. Maingot 7. de Matas 6. Pollonais 2 Ambard 1. D’Abadie 4. Pampellonne 1. Anduze ! Kernahan 1. Boos 1. Thavenot 1. de Boissiere 2 Hart 1. Savary 2 Borde 3 Agostini 4 Senbior 1. Coryat 6 Rostant 2. d’Heureux 1. Figeroux 1. Gransaul (. Farfan 1. de Pompignon 1. de Meillac 1. Pantin 1. Devenish 3 Know 1. de Boehmler 1. O’Connor 2.
 Lezama 1. Zepero 1. Wehekind 1. Herrera 1. Bernard 1. Fahay 1. Peschier 2. Franklyn’s Year Book 1916.
These estates came in a varity of acreages.

The Agricultural and Livestock economy in Trinidad & Tobago in 1954-55

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In 1955 there were 409 agricultural credit societies with 16,000 members, assets $300,000 and working capital of $1,067,140.
Sugar estates canes acreages 36,000. Farmers' canes acreage 44,000; number of farmers 111, 000.
Citrus acreage planted 13,000, 432,000 crates of citrus handled in 1954. Bananas, 45,546 stems exported in 1953. Rice 18,000 acres devoted to rice production in 1953, 288 mills produced 12,000 tons of rice. Coconuts, 40,000 acres under cultivation, 21,400 tons of copra valued $1,840,509 1953. Cocoa 120,000 acres under cultivation produced 200,000 cwt., in 1954
Forest production reserves in 1953, 49,000 acres; protected reserves, 194,900 acres;
Teak plantation 7,000 acres. Timber production for 1954 all woods, 5,607,000 ft..
Livestock population; 1954, cattle 37,900, water buffaloes, 3,000, goats, 39,000, sheep, 5,000, swine, 35,000, horses 2,400, mules, 2,800, donkeys, 6,000, poultry, 1,134,244. Source, Who, What and Why. 1955-56

Article 0

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THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF TRINIDAD
AND TOBAGO

Publication No 483.

The Minister of the Colonies, le Duc de la Luzerne,
to the Administrators of Tobago. 1790.

Source: Paris. Archives Nationales.
State Papers Colonial. C 10. E 11.

Published by the courtesy of the Minister 
of the Colonies. Paris.

Translated from the French.

                                                              Versailled.
                                                                                                12 March 1790.

Summary.

        The Minister has learnt with satisfaction that the Chevalier de Jobal and Monsieur Roume de St Laurent have been able to settle their differences in the face of the serious events now taking place in Tobago and the critical times to which France itself, is exposed.
        
        The Minister has directed the Committee which had been formed to enquire into and report on these mutual complaints, to cease any further consideration of the matter.

Angelo Bissessarsing's gift to Trinidad

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Angelo ‘a scavenger of the past’
SEAN DOUGLAS Sunday, February 5 2017
HISTORIAN Gerry Besson had seen the late Angelo Bissessarsingh as a youngster onto whom a small and aging cohort of local historians could pass on their artefacts and insights in the vital task of unearthing and preserving this country’s heritage. Sadly Bissessarsingh died last Thursday, age 34, his work incomplete .
“The history of TT and the sources of the historical record have over the past 40 years been very sadly neglected. So I was extremely gratified to see this young guy so keen and taking source material and turning it intro popular presentations,” Besson told Sunday Newsday. He said Bissessarsingh would venture into Lapeyrouse Cemetery to take notes from the headstones, while are now being destroyed by vagrants. “He was putting together a virtual museum of great variety and content which is very, very good, when you see the state of the National Museum.” Besson said Bissessarsingh was not a university historian but an amateur who was more spontaneous and free to follow his own hunches and inclinations, staying close to the ground .

“Us amateur historians are getting old - Fr Anthony De Verteuil, Michael Anthony, Adrian Camp Campins and myself. I am 75 years, so to suddenly see this young fellow (Bissessarsingh) arrive on the scene gave us all the sense that we have someone to pass on our archives or a box of old photos. He wasn’t writing with any political overtones but wending his way to the real facts and putting it across in such a way that people really liked.” He said Bissessarsingh’s books became popular as gifts to recall a past time, spur conversation and trigger memories. However he noted that such publication was a labour of love, saying such a local book would typically sell about 700 to 800 copies, quipping, “If you sell 1,000, you’ve got a best-seller.” Besson wondered why in contrast Jamaican publisher, Ian Randle, can sell thousands of books on the Jamaican market and thousands more overseas .

“How does Jamaica have such a strong sense of national identity that people want to read about, but not TT?” mulled Besson. “I ask question how come a lad from deep south would have the impulse to do this (historical research)? They are not rich people, and this work won’t make him a living. This thing comes from the heart.” Yet history is vitally important, he said .

“People are growing up in this country but don’t know why a place is called a certain name, why certain animosities exist in society and why we have certain customs,” related Besson .

“So people like Angelo who pursue the historical record are exceedingly commendable.” He hoped the media could whet public thirst for local history by way of pondering why is George Street called George Street, why do the streets of St James bear the names of cities of India, and why are many streets in Woodbrook are named after Boer War commanders such as Kitchener and Gatacre? Saying the answers to such questions build a country’s identity, Besson said, “Angelo was contributing to a sense of identity of the place, what Jamaica and Barbados have.” He lamented that just a few old people know the full history of the Red House and President’s House, both whose current dilapidation pose a future threat of demolition one day, a loss of edifice that he likened to the death of somebody .

“Things just fall apart, and next thing a rich man bulldozes it and it is gone overnight.” Besson recalled learning of the mindless past demolition of an old Spanish colonial building at lower Charlotte Street, Port-of-Spain, likely used historically by the Cabildo or Treasury which he ended up scavenging for relics .

“Angelo too was a scavenger of the past,” he said .

While post-Independence politics may have led many persons to disdain TT’s history as being too linked to TT’s colonial past, Besson said heritage buildings can also be cherished by the fact of who were the persons who crafted them, the masons and craftsmen, the grandfathers of ordinary persons in TT today .

“These things give continuity and give us a sense of identity and make you stronger as a person in the context of the place where you live, so you take better care of it and have a better sense of belonging .

“So Angelo was one on those really remarkable people who somewhere in his subconscious he understood all of this and was prepared to dedicate the rest of his life to this. God rest, good old Angelo. 

Cycles of Revolt

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It has been noted that Trinidad, not Tobago, possesses a cycle of violence. From the time of Governor Sir Tomas Picton, slave insurrection, official violence, torture, public execution, public display of decapitated heads, public whippings (1,500 lashes for desertion) from the army was meted out to both free and enslaved, military and civilian, even to young girls, on through to slave poisonings on the estates.
This happened in a short period from 1797-1805. Then the Port of Spain Riots of 1849 took place, when a British regiment opened fire on a mob intent on destroying the Government building, later the Red House, in protest of a law stating that the heads of debtors be shaved in the same manner as convicted felons. The law was repealed. In the 1890s, the Canboulay Riots and the Hosay Riots took place. This was followed 54 years later by the famous Water Riots, when a mele ensued the burning down of the Red House and 16 people were shot.
Just 35 years later, the country experienced a general strike in which riots swept the city and protesting workers were shot out of hand at various places around the country. In 1970, Port of Spain’s Woodford Square again saw demontrations, riots and shootings. The events of 1990 are well known. This re-occuring cycle of revolt, followed by official reaction, has now become virtually inherited, involving basically the same people for close to 200 years.
In the context of these articles, we will deal with events that led up to the Water Riots of 1903.
Crown colony rule was frustrating for the general populance right accross the board. It was reepressive to the lower classes, mostly black people, and it tended to debar upward mobility confining the children of the ex-slaves to perpetual poverty. It was humiliating to the coloured people and the white middle class, who, notwithstanding the heroic attempts at educating their children and mindboggling and convoluted endeavours to achieve and maintain European cultural moirees and a respectable lifestyle, they were still ouside the pale and likely to remain there.
The upper class French creoles were jealous of the English for their positions and power and smarting at the slights dished out by people whom they considered to be beneath their social standing. They were the grandchildren of the original aristocratic colonists who had, after all, come here first. The Indians were completely out of the equation socially and politically at this point.
In the closing years of the 19th century, opposition to colonial rule became more general and in fact more radical. What was mostly a middle class dissatisfaction evolved into movements that attracted working class support.
Joseph Chamberlain, the Secetary of State for the Colonies, the Govenor’s boss, brushed aside the reform movements and turned down appeals for any form of elected representation in the Legistlature, summing it up thus “Local government (falsely so called) is the curse of the West Indies. In many islands it means only local oligarchy of whites and half breeds - always incapable and frequently corrupt. In other cases it is the rule of the negroes, totaly unfit for representative institutions and the dupes of unscrupulous adventures.” He followed this up by ending the token majority of local unofficials in the Legislative Council nominated by the Governor.
He then moved on the Port of Spain Borough Council. An elected body set up in 1853, it had served as an important forum for local politicians, particularly the black and coloured radicals, and was the only voice through which any national view could be expressed by elected representatives. The conditions placed on the members were tough and they voted not to accept these and, in effect, voted themselves out of existence. Chamberlain ordered a Board of Commissions put in place to run the city. It was felt that this amounted to “the killing of a school to teach people to manage their own affairs.”
These were not significant issues, however, to attract mass support. The young but vigorous Trinidadian Workingman’s Association was much better able to do rally people around their causes, and so too was th Pan African Association led by a London-based lawyer called H.S. Williams. The next and sigificant link was forged by the creation of the Rate Payers’ Association, comprised mostly of professionals and businessmen. This group of taxpayers sought to act as a counter balance against arbitrary measures taken by the government, particularly in the distribution of water in the city. These groups acted, more or less, in an organised manner. The grassroots, however alienated, poor and easily manipulated, were moved by the rhetoric of Rate Payers’ Association’s principle speakers, Emmanuel Lazare, Moresse-Smith and others. Those speakers urged them to assemble in Woodford Square, outside the Red House, on the day when the new Ratepayers Ordinance was supposed to be read. The purpose was to seek to prevent this reading. The Ratepayers’ Association’s radicals made a strenuous effort to excite the assembled crowds against the Government. The outcome was a major riot during which the old Red House was completely burnt down. Much of recorded history was forever lost in this fire. Soldiers were called in, and 42 people were wounded, 16 lost their lives.

The reaction of ethnic minorities to black power in trinidad and Tobago, 1970

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The reaction of ethnic minorities to black power in trinidad and Tobago, 1970

by Gerard A. Besson.

              
This abstract is based on conversations with five Trinidadians of European descent, three were men and two were women, all of whom were over 30 in 1970. Two of the men were company directors, the women were housewives. Three were Syrians, comprising two women, one was a housewife, the other worked in her husband’s business and one man who was a teenager in 1970 and worked in his father’s business. A Chinese woman who was in her twenties in 1970 who worked in a bank and whose father owned a shop, An Indian man, a national of India, who worked in Trinidad as a retailer in the period. And a Portuguese housewife whose husband worked in rum shop owned by a Portuguese family. Three other informants were interviewed, there were coloured, mixed race Trinidadians and two Black Trinidadians who do not consider themselves Afrocentric. Indo Trinidadians were not included.
The views of the ethnic minorities in T&T with regard to the Black Power disturbances of 1970 are varied depending on what was experienced by those individuals.
These were the Chinese, the Portuguese and the Syrian/Lebanese communities, the Indians (from India), the French Creoles, that is European-appearing persons with French, Irish, Italian or German names, and the English Creoles. Some of these were evolved, more or less, in trade or other forms of family-owned and operated businesses. Light-complexioned people in general, persons of mixed-race backgrounds who may have identified themselves as French Creole, Chinese, Spanish or other and Afro Trinidadians who did not identify with the Black Power movement, that involved demonstrations of thousands of people.
The most common emotion felt by most of the above was fear, and a sense of surprise that was mixed with a feeling of disappointment. The sense of fear was founded on the experience of the random violence that was known to take place during the steelband clashes of the recent past, forms of labour unrest, and the collective historical fear of Black people assembled en masse and organised as a riotous mob.
The sense of surprise and disappointment was founded mostly on the belief that with Independence in 1962, a new status quo had been achieved in which the intellectual and the professional Blacks would run the government, but the society and business would continue as before. There was as well the feeling that Trinidad, “Sweet, sweet, Trinidad” was gone forever.
Independence had come following the elections of 1961, in which an intense racial outburst by Dr Eric Williams, in his “Massa day done” speeches (1960-61) shocked the minorities in the population. In these discourses he deconstructed the European mythology of their racial superiority and attacked the European-descended population at large and the French Creoles in particular, wherein they were characterised as having inherited the guilt of 18th century slave masters.
In these discourses, the East Indians on the whole were portrayed by Dr. Williams as being at the beck and call (the shoe shine boys) of the European-descended members of the DLP and (nincompoops) marginal to the PNM’s revolution. Williams had in effect broken the taboo that had surrounded open and public discourse on race, in which derogatory views would be aired with regard to Europeans. In so doing, he had inaugurated “the Williams narrative.”
Taken aback by the impetus of the election campaign, the originality and the pertinence of some of the presentations and the extent to which the European leaders of the non-Black vote, i.e. Albert Gomes, Gerald Wight et al, had apparently been disgraced and put to flight, all the minorities appeared cowed and went along with the Williams interpretation of history and how it was applied to politics. Trust was invested and power achieved by this mostly Black party, the PNM, 
In effect, it was understood that all segments in the population would have to be subordinate to the “National culture” of the “true inheritors”— Williams’ words, that is, of the Afro-Trinidadians. As such, it was generally believed that with the PNM in power, there was no need for a Black Power movement at all. Hence, the Black Power disturbances came as a surprise to many.
Perhaps mostly so to Black and coloured Trinidadians who could not involve themselves with the Black Power movement for a variety of reasons: amongst these because they felt it did not involve them at all, that it was a low-class movement for people who were thought of by them as “the niggers”, that it was of little or no concern to them in terms of advancement of their own personal Black awareness, that it may spoil relationships between them and Whites, that it was a youth movement involving the undisciplined and lawless elements, that is was against the Law, that it was disruptive of social and racial harmony, that it was against Christian religious principles, that it was against the PNM and Dr. Williams personally, or that it was just foolish and misguided and imported from America, that it would not achieve anything for Black people that education, self-sacrifice and hard work could not achieve, that the pursuit of ambitions and taking the opportunity to live abroad was an obvious and better choice.  Many Blacks felt that that it was Black people fooling other Black people in their pursuit of power and self-aggrandizement, which was in itself dangerous, in that the Government may be overthrown and the communists would take over—bearing in mind that it was the middle of the Cold War, and communist regimes had taken control in other former colonies.
Moderate Blacks and coloureds were often intimidated, some felt fear, and that they were betraying their brothers and sisters. Many did not have it in them to participate, but realised that in not doing so, they were placed in a particular category and were described as Uncle Toms, stooges of the White people, the honkeys, and were called names like house niggers, cowards, fools, and as backward colonials, Afro Saxons.
There was outrage and a growing dissonance between Black youth on the whole and some of the Black middle class, as well as other Blacks who had pursued European mores, speech, dress, hair styles and cultural values, who had notions of respectability, that could not identify with the type of behaviour associated with youth movements expressed as Black Power. This behaviour had to do with overt racialism against Europeans in general and local Whites in particular, anger against White and foreign-owned businesses, radical attitudes to sexual conduct, dress, Afro hair styles, use of marijuana, adulation of revolutionary heroes like Ché Guevara, Stokeley Carmichael, Malcolm X, Angela Davis, Fidel Castro, etc.
There was also an awkward dissonance being created between mainstream Blacks and the Whites, off-Whites and French Creoles. They were committed to the Afro/French Creole, British colonial way of life, which included Catholicism and Christianity on the whole, language (patois), the lifestyle of agriculture and stock-rearing, boating and fishing, work in various professions, and the retained memory of the previous century with its cultural mores that were mostly French-Antillean dominated. Despite their support for the PNM and Dr. Williams and the nationalist independence movement, they were hesitant to repudiate these cultural mores in exchange for Black Power, whose values threatened theirs so absolutely.
In the Chinese community, which twelve years earlier had numbered about eight thousand and included mixed-race people who identified themselves as Chinese and not as Black, many were restaurant, steam laundry, shop and parlor proprietors and other owner-operated concerns, some of whom dealt with the Black public “over the counter.” Several were professionals or worked in the banks, private enterprise or for other Chinese. They experienced Black Power in terms of fear, harassment, violent threats, intimidation and in a few cases physical violence.  This community suffered financial losses during the period as business slowed and in some cases closed permanently. Several business places that were owned by Chinese families remained abandoned for years; others were reopened part time. Chinese families moved away from predominantly Black neighbourhoods where they had lived at times for more than one generation. After 1970 there ensued a steady emigration of Trinidad Chinese to Canada and other places.
With regards to the Portuguese, those who were still in the retail trade, shops, groceries and rum shops, also experienced financial loss, thuggery and verbal abuse, violent behaviour and threats that were similar to those levelled at the Chinese. Both these segments of the population had been in the retail trade running shops and rum shops for generations, trading in mostly in poor Black depressed areas, and were in the front line so to speak, of Black Power intimidation.
There had also been a large degree of miscegenation between the Chinese and Portuguese and their Black neighbours/customers. To what extent this played a role in the attacks against them is well worth exploring. It may be said that Black Power, 1970, reduced the involvement of both these sectors in the sale of food and alcohol, in the traditional sense, as there are few if any still engaged in trade. Indians seemed to have filled the gap.
Both these groups felt unjustly attacked as they were, in a manner, not unlike Blacks: excluded from White dominance of the society. When asked about the charge of exploitation by them of Blacks in terms of property loss because of extending credit, or sexual favours exchanged for money or kind, the feeling was that these were arrangements made freely and without force, and served the purpose at the time. There was a distinct move away from Black neighborhoods after Black Power. The Portuguese became increasingly socially White.
The Syrian/Lebanese community was severely affected financially by the disturbances. Their businesses were mostly located in the urban centres, downtown Port-of-Spain and San Fernando, in that there was a high degree of damage to property, intimidation of customers and staff and an almost complete collapse of sales during the months of January to May 1970 and afterwards. 
Several of the downtown establishments owned by this community had benefited by the steady growth and development of the middle class of all sectors and had made substantial investments in clothing shops and manufacturing plants and modern merchandising and advertisement for their stores. This had involved large outlays of cash and loans from the banks, whose repayments required a steady cash flow. When this cash flow was disrupted, pressure was applied to the owners and layoffs were experienced by the employees.
There was a degree of harassment, intimidation and extortion experienced by the Syrians. Several properties were burnt in the urban areas; arson was a threat and often a reality. This segment continued in business notwithstanding the large-scale street protest and the ongoing damage to property, and in some cases was able to form accommodations with elements of the Black Power. There was a feeling of resentment against the Black population because of the perceived kindnesses and acts of generosity given to poor and needy Blacks. When asked about exploitation, low wages, racial discrimination, sexual harassment and exploitation, they agreed that these existed, but maintained that these were human failures and any race could be found guilty of these placed in the right circumstances and that this was not peculiar to them.  There was not any marked emigration in this community, but there was a distinct hardening of racial animosity towards Blacks that it is claimed was not there before Black Power. Charity given to poor Blacks and others was maintained, in fact increased, by the Syrian-Lebanese Women’s Association.
The Indians from India who formed a small merchant community in the business district were adversely affected financially in much the same way as the above. Both communities, being in the dry goods trade, experienced a collapse in business in the several months of disturbances. There was fear of violence, business failure and of sexual assault.
The European-descended, mainly English and Scottish merchants who owned and operated the big firms, i.e. Geo F. Huggins, Alstons, T. Geddes Grant, Gordon Grant and a dozen others, including the large department stores Stephens, Fogarty’s, Millers, Glendinning’s, Woolworth, were like the Syrians immediately affected financially by a collapse of sales. In the case of the retailers the effect was immediate, in the case of the wholesalers this was accumulative. As wholesale suppliers to small outlets, they were increasingly unable to deliver/supply their customers.
The fear of violence directed against them and their families had begun in the anti-White diatribes of the “Massa day done” politics of Dr. Williams, when it was remembered that he had “given them (his supporters) permission to cut their throats” and when he had said that “history used as the murderous weapon it can be”. Connected to Britain’s international markets, this segment was acutely aware of what was taking place in other parts of the Commonwealth with regard to racial/political upheavals and the threat of communist takeover, the Cold War being on everybody’s mind.  There was a sense of guilt for past wrongs, and an admittance of racism, but it was explained that it was the times and that times were changing worldwide.
There was a feeling of confidence in the White Acting Police Commissioner, Peter May, and a police force that was perceived as loyal to the Government. With a justice system that was known to work, things would work out.
There was also the feeling that because of the oil fields, the Americans or British Governments would not let things go from bad to worse. There was a surprising amount of confidence in Dr. Williams who was thought of as not communist, but as a supporter of business interest, and also as a very clever and resourceful man. A large number of the White business community as well as French Creole families were supporters of the PNM. Party Group 13 was situated in Goodwood Park, an upscale, predominantly White area.
Several of the directors/owners of these businesses took the precaution of sending their wives children and relatives to Barbados or to the offshore islands during the disturbances.
The French Creole families, which numbered some 1500 persons, several of whom worked in the banks, in Government officers, in private firms, the cane estates and in the oil companies, or as professionals and as managers in the large companies, experienced fear and believed that their time in Trinidad may be over this time for good. As with the British merchants, they saw the Black Power uprising as an extension of the postcolonial experience of Nationalism that had replaced the legitimacy of Crown Colony Rule in the British Empire, which had safeguarded them as a remnant community in the colonies, a leftover from another time.
It was felt that between the Williams independence movement, the PNM, and now the Black Power movement, a profound breakdown of the Afro/French Creole culture had occurred, and that they were caught in the middle of the loss of this century and a half old culture. The start of a new Nationalist movement that would not include them, which was destroying all that was good and what they knew and trusted as real, had taken root and would grow menacingly.
The eight years between Independence in 1962 and the Black Power uprising in 1970 was a relatively short period in which a chasm, producing a deep dissonance, was created between themselves and what they had considered to be “their people”: the Black and coloured Trinidadians who operated/functioned in stereotyped roles in their daily lives and with whom there existed complicated relationships of kinship, dependence, paternalism, friendship, sport, camaraderie, exploitation and a myriad of relationships.
There was by no means a total breakdown between these groups, the Black and coloured and the French Creoles and other Whites, during and after the disturbances. Some say that it was only after a generational change that this was brought about, and very gradually in fact. There was, however, a certain amount of damage done, which was experienced in a collapse of trust and confidence on both sides during this period and after. Black Power to many marked the end of the Creole era in Trinidad, and the beginning of Trinidad and Tobago acquiring a more Caribbean reality.
The French Creole group as well as the English Creoles tended to start making plans to move away from Trinidad and Tobago. A great many of the owners of the big firms moved out of the country, several of them who had owned homes in which they lived when visiting, sold out, and in some cases never returned. The French Creoles with less resources per se made plans to start to send their children abroad and pay more attention to their education, preparing them to live abroad in various ways, trips visits to relatives, etc.
Black Power generated resentments with new nuances towards Blacks in general that were felt and displayed by all the minority groups. All felt that it was unnecessary, an unwelcome display of anger, intolerance, racism, societal discord and violence that achieved little or nothing that would not have come about over time.



Summary
The ethnic minorities of Trinidad felt that Black Power was about jealousy, and getting jobs in banks and in the trading houses and in other places. The minorities felt that it was largely imported from abroad, the USA, and was a dangerous juvenile fad that had caught on in Trinidad. Many felt that it would be relatively easy for them to go away and be successful where ever they went, and only those left behind would suffer as in Guyana and in other former colonies that had lost its entrepreneurial/business class.
Some minorities told stories of anger and defiance to intimidation, taking great pride in “putting people in their places” and facing down would-be attackers. Others remember only the great curfew parties. Some felt that some Black people benefited from the Black Power uprising personally, and that it was really an extension of the Independence movement that was good for the country on the whole.  Some remarked that it was good for the marginal people, the pass-for-Whites/coloureds who could now say with pride that had Black ancestors.
Some believed that Black pride had been defined for a generation of Blacks at the expense of national harmony. Some supposed that what was gained by Black Power was lost in the oil booms that followed. Most felt that that Black youth had not benefited in the long run, because it was the start of law-breaking with a sense of righteousness, a sense of entitlement unearned or undeserved, and an even greater collapse of the work ethic. Justice was not served as so many of the perpetrators of arson and violence walked free of what was seen as treason.  All groups mentioned that there had been an increase of drug use and the start of serious police corruption in the wake of Black Power.  It was also mentioned that in the aftermath of Black Power, the Police Welfare Association of the Second Division was able to negotiate a forty-hour work-week, and that this changed how the Police functioned in terms of duty, professionalism and being seen as corruption-free.


BARRISTERS-AT-LAW AND SOLICTORS PRACTISING IN TRINIDAD & TOBAGO IN 1916

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From The Trinidad Year Book, 1916. Compiled by C.B. Franklin








THE COURT. TRINIDAD & TOBAGO 1916

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From C.B. Franklin Year Book 1916

Past Chief Justices
1849 William George Knox
1870 Sir Joseph Needham, Kt.
1885 Sir John Gorrie, Kt.
1892 Sir John Goldney, Kt.
1900 Sir William John Anderson, Kt.
1903 Sir Ernest Alfred Northcote, Kt. LL.B.

CHIEF JUSTICE
Sir Alfred Van Waterschoodt Lucie-Smith, Kt. Appointed 22nd July, 1908

First Puisne Judge.
Alexander David Russell, LL.B. Appointed 4th October, 1913

Second Puisne Judge.
Eric Blackwood Wright, B.A., LL.D. Appointed 3rd December, 1913.

Registrar and Marshal.
Thomas Augustus Thompson. Appointed 14th July, 1897.

The Water Riots of 1903

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“De brave, de brave 
De brave, de brave 
Many were sent to eternity 
In the riots of 1903.”   
(Fijornel)

A large crowd gathers outside the Red House in Port of Spain in protest to the proposed bill.
Photograph—Mr. & Mrs. Peter Stone. (Book of Trinidad)

The southern wing of the Red House prior to the Water Riots. Photograph—Mrs. Hélène Farfan. (Book of Trinidad)


THE DAY OF THE RIOT 

The adjourned meeting of the Legislative Council was held at noon on Monday, 23rd March, 1903, His Excellency the Governor Sir Alfred C. Maloney, K.C.M.G., presiding… Admission to  the Council Chamber was from an early hour refused the general public, strong guards of police, armed with sticks being posted at all entrances. In addition to the usually provided accommodation, 150 chairs had been hired and ranged all round the room. As noon approached, some 50 to 60 of these began to be occupied, the large proportion being government officers. In the meantime an immense crowd of the general public filled Brunswick  Square and Abercromby Street, as well as the grounds to the west and along St. Vincent Street and, headed by the Committee of the Ratepayers Association, they proceeded to the main entrance to the building and demanded admission. The doors which had been closed against them were all guarded by strong bodies of police. Lieut-Col. Blake refused to allow anyone to pass.

A ticket to the public gallery of the Legislative Council  (Book of Trinidad)


MASS MEETING AT BRUNSWICK SQUARE  
In the same Friday morning there appeared in the Gazette an official notice in the following terms, with regard to the admission of the public to the Council Chamber on the following Monday:—
‘Public notice is given that, on account of the limited accommodation in the Council Chamber, and the great inconvenience caused when the members of the public are anxious to attend the debates, admission to those parts of the Chamber not appropriated to the use of the members will in future be given by tickets only, in accordance with the practice of the Imperial Parliament…
Tickets will be issued… in the order of application, at the office of the Clerk to the Legislative Council…
Special arrangements will be made for the Press.
(Sgd.) Harry L. Knaggs,
for the Clerk of the Legislative Council.

On the next day, Saturday, 21st March, a mass meeting was convened by the Ratepayers’ Association in Brunswick Square, for the purpose of discussing this ‘ticket regulation,’ which was declared on high legal authority to be illegal…
(22nd March, 1903)

The Red House in flames. Photograph—O.J. Mavrogordato. (Book of Trinidad)


The advanced members of the Association then asked for permission to enter the Council Chamber and were met by Col. Blake, standing one pace in front of the constables, who informed them that he was instructed by the Governor to oppose any attempt to forcibly enter the building. Admission would be, as had been announced, by ticket only. He was backed by an armed squad of police and would oppose force by force; and the degree of violence of the one would be measured by that of the other… The challenge was accepted by one or two members who, partly pressed forward by the surging but orderly crowd, partly advancing with hands and arms  raised high above their heads to show that no violence was intended, came into contact with the Colonel and were forced back… Mr. Lazare then from the top of the steps informed the crowd what had taken place, and begged them to let their protest take a quiet and peaceable form most likely to recommend itself to the English people whom they might depend upon to see that they got ample justice for, the wrongs and outrages that were being heaped upon them… He begged them to refrain from any further acts and merely remain about the grounds of the building while the debate proceeded. The crowd then drew off to the square, where speeches were delivered urging that strict order be observed… In the meantime, the rising temper of the people was not lessened by the discovery that orders had actually been issued to the fire brigade to turn three firehoses upon them should they assemble outside the Council Chamber. Shortly after, the order was given to Lieut. Whiteman to turn on the hose but this he refused to do, saying he was appointed to put out fires, not to drench crowds, and   presently the cheering, the singing of the national anthem, and the lessening of the crowd gave a clear demonstration of the resolution of the public protest. Shortly before noon, all the stores and business places in the town closed as a further mark of protest against the action of the Legislative Council. Immediately after 12, the Governor, accompanied by his private secretary, drove down to Government House, closely guarded by police and, protected by a similar guard, proceeded to his office where there had been stationed another 35 armed constables. Accompanied by the Colonial Secretary, with Captain Dutton, A.D.C., His Excellency entered the Council Chamber and took his seat; at the same moment ten more armed constables entered the room and took up positions with the rest. Amidst every mark of public demonstration against the proceedings and a momentarily growing scene of popular excitement, the Legislature came to order, and the Clerk rose to read the minutes of the proceedings of the previous Monday’s meeting.  

The Hon. Sir Henry Alcazar, the leading coloured Barrister and Legislator of the period.
Photograph —Mrs. Hélène Farfan. (Book of Trinidad)

Lt. Emmanuel Lazare


MR. ALCAZAR PROTESTS 
As the Clerk began to read, Mr. Alcazar rose to a point of order…as to whether it was in pursuance of any standing orders of the Legislative Council, requiring all meetings of the Council to be in public that this day’s meeting was held. He referred to the ticket regulation and, without at present going into the question as to whether it was not, as many persons considered ultra vires for the president to make such a regulation, he stood on the point that standing order 4 required all meetings to be held in public and he understood that a number of members of the public had been excluded today from this meeting.
Some discussion arose and the colonial secretary, having inquired what exactly was before the house, Mr. Alcazar formally moved the adjournment of the house.
Mr. Goodwill seconded.
The motion was lost by a vote of 14 against 6, Messrs Fenwick, R.S. Aucher Warner, Marryat and McLelland voting with the officials.
Mr. Alcazar:—I rose to move the adjournment as a protest and to discuss a public grievance, and upon such a motion it was most inappropriate and improper that the officials should have voted. I now give notice of protest against the vote; I beg to notify Your Excellency that I leave this Council and decline to take any further part in its proceedings.
Mr. Alcazar then left the Chamber.
Messrs. Goodwill, Gordon and Leotaud also gave notice of protest against the vote.
His Excellency then read his formal ruling on the question of order as to the ‘ticket regulation,’ that he maintained his right to act as he had done.
Mr. Gordon then rose and said that after what had fallen from His Excellency, he felt it incumbent upon him, with great respect, to follow the course taken by Mr. Alcazar. He could not consent to remain at a Council whose standing orders and regulations could be varied at the irresponsible whim of the Governor.
Mr. Gordon then left the Chamber.
After a pause,  the order of the day was proceeded with the Clerk reading the minutes of the previous Monday’s meeting.

The Southern Wing gutted by fire. This photograph was taken by Mr. H. Stone, Acting Registrar, who, with the help of the firemen, saved the records in the Registrar General’s Office. Photograph—Mr. & Mrs. Peter Stone. (Book of Trinidad)


The debate on the second reading of the waterworks ordinance was resumed… His Excellency rose and proceeded to read a lengthy address to the Council on the history of the bill. During the reading, the crowds around the building outside had been growing more and more noisy and turbulent —the singing of the national anthem, Rule Britannia, the beating of drums, the blowing of whistles and the cries of women carrying flags, were on the increase. Almost all the windows in the lower storey had been broken and, after a while, an accident occurred which acted like a spark upon a train of powder. And in a moment a most regrettable riot had broken out. For some offence, a woman on the Red House lawn was arrested by a constable, who was immediately struck by a couple of stones flung by some small boys. Thereupon the constable released the woman and was at once attacked by her, too. Members of the crowd closed on her and dragged her and the boys away; but the evil was done. In a moment, stone-throwing was widely taken up by the crowd. Stones were pelted in a terrific shower into the Council Chamber through the glass doors and windows. People and police alike fled from the eastern galleries into the Chamber, and the Council came to a standstill. So hot became the shelling that in a few minutes, the whole of the unofficials had to rise and seek shelter, as did the reporting staff also, behind pillars, bookcases, etc. Presently the crowd to the west of the building got wind of the proceedings on the east and at once, without question, started to pelt stories too. Then the entire Council rose and moved for shelter to the inner galleries around the fountain courtyard in the interior of the building. For fully ten minutes was the fusillade kept up, several people in the building being hit. After a while the crowd broke in through the east and west iron gates into the inner courtyard, overpowering and driving back the squads of constables who had been hastily summoned to oppose them, and the whole crowd proceeded to stone the Council and the other fugitives from the Council Chamber who crowded the inner balconies. A suggestion was made to His Excellency to stand forward and state to the crowd that he withdrew the ordinance; but this he declined to do. The Governor, his A.D.C., Major Collens, the Press representatives and others then took shelter in the small vacant office behind the Education Department on the upper floor, the whole party seeking what shelter they could behind presses and bookcases with which they barricaded the doors from the showers of stones and broken glass which assailed the room. It was the Director of Public Works and Mr. Fenwick who were the two members of Council for whom, judging by the occasional cries heard, the most apprehension was to be felt. What became of the latter is not clear but Mr. Wrightson was, with much difficulty, smuggled out of the room by a strong guard of police, disguising himself in a police tunic and helmet. In a similar way was the Attorney-General gotten safely over, and both remained at the police barracks. For the Governor, however, and those with him, for a good while there seemed no way of escape, it being impossible to venture out of the room. Presently, the news came —and was immediately after confirmed by the penetration of the pungent smell of smoke into the room—that the Red House had been fired. The discovery was made from the brigade station opposite that fire was set in the Registrar-General’s Office (under which the Governor and party were imprisoned), the Survey Office and the Hall of Justice simultaneously. Fanned by a gentle breeze, the flames spread so rapidly that in a few moments it was decided by the whole part, including the Governor, to risk the blows from the showers of stones which were still flying, rather than risk the fire. The door into the Council Chamber was opened and the rush of dense black smoke into the room where the party was imprisoned at once justified the wisdom of the decision to move on. At the same moment, a sound of firing from the police immediately followed the reading of the riot act by Mr. A.S. Bowen, in the presence of Colonel Brake, caused a sudden cessation of the stone-throwing. The whole party then ran down the Colonial Secretary’s main staircase into the crowded streets, and the Governor was rushed under a strong police guard right across into the police barracks and kept there till he could be sent privately up Edward Street to St. Ann’s; while Mr. Wrightson, also under a strong police guard and surrounded by a guard of armed   sailors who had been fetched from the warship in the harbour, was rushed to the wharf and sent off in a small boat and kept on board H.M.S. Pallas… Although the riot was checked by the first volley fired and the crowd at once began to disperse, it was noticed that volley after volley was fired, and that, too, quite indiscriminately in all directions… The killed were afterwards found to have numbered 16, while 42 at least were wounded, some of them at quite a distance from the scene of the riot.
(25th March, 1903).  

ARRIVAL OF THE REGULARS 
A couple of men of the Lancashire Fusiliers, sent for by the Governor, from Barbados, arrived on Wednesday evening by the three-masted schooner Sunbeam, having been towed up from the Bocas by the Iere and Paria. An immense crowd gathered to witness the landing and was at first driven back by the police:—
But on the advice of Supt. Sergt. Peake and a naval guard of 12 men from H.M.S. Pallas the crowd was allowed to reform, and in a most peaceful and orderly manner watched the landing, easily controlled by the sailors.
(27th March, 1903).  

ARRIVAL OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION 
The Special Commissioners appointed by the Secretary of State to inquire into the recent riots in Port of Spain, arrived on the H.M.S. Trent on Tuesday morning the 28th April, 1903… accompanied by Mr. H.M. Vernon as Secretary, and Mr. W. Walpole, shorthand writer…The first sitting was held on Wednesday the 29th at the Princes Building, which had been specially fitted up for the purpose. The grounds around the building and to the north on the Queen’s Park Savannah presented a very pretty, if unusual, scene of military activity. A double row of white conical tents were ranged right across marking the encampment of the Lancashire Fusiliers who, to the number of 21, exclusive of another 210, in barracks at St. James, came over from Barbados. In the centre was mounted one maxim gun. The appearances of counsel were:—
For the Government: The Hon’ble Vincent Brown (Attorney-General), Mr. R.S. Aucher Warner, Mr. L. A. Wharton.
For the Ratepayers Association, the Chamber of Commerce, and the United Committee, and relatives of the killed:—The Hon’ble H.A. Alcazar, Messrs E. Scipio Pollard, E.A. Robinson and C.J. McLeod.  

THE REPORT OF THE COMMISSION 
The report of the Commission was dated 2nd July, and was at once sent out by the Colonial Office; it was a lengthy document, and was published in extenso in the Gazette. Its findings were:—
1. That the riot is to be attributed to public opposition to the proposed waterworks ordinance, stimulated by falsehoods and incitements to violence of certain speakers and the Mirror newspaper.
2. That there was excessive and unnecessary firing by some individual members of the police force.
3. That two, if not three, persons were brutally bayonetted and killed by the police without any justification whatever.
4. That the Executive Government failed to take adequate measures to correct misrepresentations about the draft ordinance.
5. That there is a regrettable and serious division between a large and influential portion of the community of Port of Spain and the Executive Government regarding public affairs.
6. That there has been most deplorable delay in prosecuting the rioters… and the taking of steps to enable the police who committed outrages to be also prosecuted; but most significantly, they also recommended the reference of the draft ordinance to a select committee.
(July 1903)  

Edgar Agostini, K.C.

The Hon. Mr. Louis Wharton, K.C.


FIRST TRIAL OF RIOTERS 
Punctually at half-past ten yesterday morning, the special sessions of the Supreme Criminal Court, ordered by the Governor to be held for the trial of 22 persons indicted for riot on the 23rd March last, were opened by His Honour Mr. Justice Routledge in Greyfriars Hall, Frederick Street. In addition to the usual strong guard of police sent down to every sitting of the sessions, a feature which excited considerable remark was the presence of 26 rank and file of the Lancashire Fusiliers, under rifles and fixed bayonets, a somewhat unusual show of military ferocity in the precincts of Greyfriars Hall…
The Hon’ble V. Brown, with the Hon’ble L.E. Agostini and Mr. L.A. Wharton, prosecuted, instructed by Mr. A.D. O’Connor and Messrs E. Scipio Pollard and G. Johnson, instructed by Messrs. E. Maresse-Smith and J.A. Lassalle, appeared for the defence…
The trial lasted for a week, and it was on the afternoon of the 30th July that the jury retired at 4.30 after a most emphatic charge by the judge. Ten minutes afterward they returned into court. In the meantime, the square opposite the Hall, and the length of the pavement on either side of the street as well as Knox Street had filled with a dense crowd, composed of all classes of the community… A strong guard of police appeared and took up positions at various points of the Hall while a detachment of Fusiliers with loaded rifles and fixed bayonets were posted about the yard and outside the judges chambers. The jury again retired after further directions… Close upon three hours passed and no verdict had been returned. The closely-packed Court House, which was fortunately lit by electricity, grew more and more filled and all waited anxiously for what seemed likely to be an abortive verdict. At 7.15, the Acting Chief Justice returned into Court and the jury came back. After the usual questions, nine prisoners were unanimously declared not guilty, one prisoner was found not guilty by 7 to 2, and one not guilty by 8 to 1; the jury was not unanimous as to any one prisoners guilt. By a majority of 8 to 1 they convicted another; as regards the other three, they were divided 6 to 3. The judge refused to accept the verdicts, to the fact that after three hours, a majority verdict either way could be taken. The judge held he was only empowered, not compelled, to do so. The jury retired, His Honour intimating that he would take the verdicts or discharge the jury at 9 p.m. He then formally discharged those who had been acquitted, and as each reached the street he or she was received with round after round of cheering. Punctually at 9 p.m. the judge returned to Court and, to the surprise of all, the jury returned a verdict in two more cases, one guilty by 7 to 2 and one not guilty by 7 to 2. In the remaining case that of Lolotte Borde, they remained 6 to 3… The following sentences were passed:—
Joseph James and Lilla Assing, 5 years each,
Abraham James, 4 years,
Octave Romain and Johnnie Blades, 5 years each.
(21st -30th July 1903)  

The arrival of the troops. Photograph—Mrs. Hélène Farfan. (Book of Trinidad)


THE TRIAL OF THE FOUR 
It was not until the December sessions that the trial of Messrs. J.C. Maresse-Smith, H.N. Hall, E.M. Lazare and R.R. Mole, on the charge of inciting to riot, was held. Mr. Vincent Brown, with Messrs. Edgar Agostini and L.A. Wharton prosecuted, for the Crown:—Mr. Alcazar and Mr. A.E. Hendrickson, instructed by Mr. H.M. Iles, defended Maresse-Smith; Mr. E. Scipio Pollard, instructed by Mr.  L.J.A. Lassalle, defended Hall; and Messrs. A.E. Robinson and W. Blanche-Wilson, instructed by Mr. T.M. Kelshall, defended Lazare.
The instructions of the Secretary of State to the prosecution of Mr. Mole were not given effect to, it was understood on the strong advice of the local law officers. The trial ended on the 18th December in a unanimous verdict of acquittal for all three accused.
(19th December, 1903).

The H.M.S. Pallas of the South Atlantic squadron brought the British troops to Trinidad.
Photograph—G. Duruty. (Book of Trinidad)

THE NEW WATER AND SEWERAGE BOARD 
One of the earliest victories of the riot was the transfer of the management of the water-works and sewerage system to a Board of mixed official and unofficial personnel; and the Gazette of the 30th September, 1904, records the holding of the first meeting of the new authority, composed as follows:—
Hon. R.G. Bushe (Auditor-General) Chairman
Hon. W. Wrightson (Director of Public Works)
Hon. D. Slyne (Receiver-General)
Dr. C.F. Knox (Acting Surgeon-General)
Dr. G.H. Masson
Mr. Alfred G. Siegert
Mr. L.A. Wharton
Mr. B.H. Stephens
Mr. H.Y. Vieira
with Mr. J.A. Lamy, barrister-at-law (Town Clerk) as Secretary. (30th Sept. 1904).

Grenada Revolution 1795

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Extract of a letter from Mr.
President Mackenzie to the
Duke of Portland dated Grenada
15th September 1795

                           I am honoured with your Grace’s letter of the 8thJuly, and was happy in being able to communicate the information that a very considerable Detachment of Troops was on the point of embarking for these Islands.
We are now in daily expectation of its arrival, and an additional Force in Grenada is become essentially important to the safety of the Colony. The great reduction which has taken place in the Militia from weariness and disease, has nearly annihilated some of the Regiments, and the guard for the protection of the Town is principally composed of Negroes.
No attempt of any kind has been made against the insurgents, since I had last the honour of writing to your Grace, and, fortunately for us, they have been equally inactive on
their  



their part- nor had the Enemy yet attempted to throw in succours from the other Islands (a very small vessel with Provisions and Ammunition expected) though we have several reports of a Force preparing at Guadeloupe and St. Lucia.
                     The Act for vesting the command of the Militia in the General Officer commanding His Majesty’s Forces in the Island, during the existing Insurrection, has passed the Legislature, and I have the honour to forward a certified Copy by this Packet.
                     In the Copies of correspondence with Brigadier General Nicolls, which I had the honour to inclose in my letter to your Grace of the 11th Ulto, notice was taken of a general order issued by the Brigadier forbidding any vessel to leave the Island without first obtaining his permission. The principal Officers of his Majesty’s Customs for the Port of St. George, have, since the…
of  


517
of that order, refused to give the usual clearance Papers to vessels quitting the Port until the leave on the part of the  Brigadier had been first obtained – Complaint                     199
having been made to me of this circumstance, I wrote to the principal officers a letter of which the inclosed is a Copy. It was delivered to the Collector, but no answer has been returned to it.- The temporary nature of my command has made me averse to the measure of suspending these Officers, but I am satisfied that your Grace will see the propriety of maintaining, in all those who by His Majesty’s Commission are placed as first in command in the Colony, that authority which is requisite for such a situation, and therefore I have thought it my duty to state this circumstance for the information of your Grace.







Copy                                                                             519
Grenada 4th September 1795
200
              Gentlemen,
It having been represented to me that, for sometime past, vessels, which have regularly cleared at the Customs House, and complied with the requisites prescribed by Law, have not been permitted to receive their Papers, until they had produced a permission on the part of Brigadier General Nicolls to quit the Port; I have to request that you would inform me whether the representation thus made to me, is correct in point of fact.
                            I am &c
                            K.F. Mckenzie

Principal Officers
of his Majesty’s Customs

              St. George’s

The Memorial of Kenneth Francis Mackenzie Esquire Attorney General of the Island of Grenada and the Grenadines in America

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To his Grace the Duke of
Portland, one his Majesty’s
Principal Secretaries of State
322
The Memorial of Kenneth Francis Mackenzie
Esquire Attorney General of the Island of
Grenada and the Grenadines in America

         After many years of Public Service in an unhealthy Climate, it is with much Concern that your Memorialist finds himself under the necessity of making the present application, in order to obtain redress in a matter where he apprehends Government and the Individual are equally interested, but your Grace’s disposition to promote Justice induces your Memorialist to trust that you will take into your Consideration the following short statement of facts and give such directions in consequence as you may think the circumstances require.
            In January 1778, Lord Macartney then Governor and Commander in Chief of Grenada and Tobago was pleased to appoint your Memorialist his Majesty’s Counsel at Law of the last mentioned Island. In November 1779 John Graham Esquire, then Lieutenant Governor, and by the Capture of Grenada, Commander in Chief of Tobago, was pleased to appoint your Memorialist Attorney General of Tobago; and soon after the arrival of George Ferguson Esquire who succeeded Mr. Graham as Lieutenant Governor and for the time Commander in Chief of Tobago, Your Memorialist was appointed a member of his Majesty’s Council in that Island.
The

The cession of Tobago to France, induced your Memorialist to quit the Island, and in the Year 1783 his Majesty was graciously pleased to appoint you Memorialist Solicitor General of Grenada and its dependencies. In the beginning of the year 1785 his Majesty was also pleased to appoint your Memorialist a Member of Council for the Government of Grenada. On the twentieth day of January 1791 Edward Matthew Esquire, Governor and then Commander in Chief of Grenada, was pleased to appoint your Memorialist in the place of Sir Ashton Warner Byam then lately deceased, Attorney General of Grenada until his Majesty’s Royal pleasure should be known—And his Majesty being pleased to approve thereof, was further Graciously pleased on the twenty fifth day of April 1791 to appoint your Memorialist Attorney General of the said Island of Grenada and the Grenadines, with authority to have and enjoy all the Rights fees profits privileges and advantages thereof. – Your Memorialist is in Possession of the Commissions and other documents which substantiate these appointments and he begs leave to add that he has uniformly and conscientiously to the best of his abilities performed the duties attached to each of them.
            The appointments of Kings Counsel, Member of Council and Solicitor General are in this Country attended with trouble and labour, but with no emolument whatever.—In like manner, the Office of Attorney General here, tho at all times laborious and troublesome and exposed to responsibility, furnishes nothing but Rank at the Bar, and thereby that
Chance


323
chance for professional success which knowledge and talents insure without it, for tho an Annual Salary of about Two hundred pounds, Sterling, payable by the Crown, is attached to the Office, on account of its precluding the possessor, from acting in any cause against the Crown, yet that sum iis not paid, and your Memorialist has never been able to recover any part of it, tho’ very inadequate either to the duties of the situation or to the loss of health which rarely fails to be the Consequence of residence in tropical Countries.
            Of the Principal of these facts, the Public Offices at Whitehall furnish authentick (sic) evidence; and of the others, your Memorialist, if necessary, is ready to produce the most unquestionable testimony. The only Comment which he will presume to make upon them is, that tho’ Government certainly may fix the Recompense for Public services, at whatever they may be deemed Worth, Yet when an office is given and accepted, with a specific annual Salary attached to it payable by Government, and the duties of that Office are performed, Your Memorialist humbly conceives the money becomes a debt of Right and that Good Faith and Justice have an equal Interest in seeing it paid.
            Your Memorialist is persuaded that the Circumstances as set forth in this address have not hitherto come to your knowledge; and he also hopes and trusts that notwithstanding the pressures of Public business of infinitely more importance, Your Grace will not Consider as misemployed the few Minutes which may enable you to honor to the engagement of the Crown, and Justice to the claim of the Subject.
                                                                                    K.F. M

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Extract of a letter from Mr.
President Mackenzie to the
Duke of Portland dated Grenada
15th September 1795

                           I am honoured with your Grace’s letter of the 8thJuly, and was happy in being able to communicate the information that a very considerable Detachment of Troops was on the point of embarking for these Islands.
We are now in daily expectation of its arrival, and an additional Force in Grenada is become essentially important to the safety of the Colony. The great reduction which has taken place in the Militia from weariness and disease, has nearly annihilated some of the Regiments, and the guard for the protection of the Town is principally composed of Negroes.
No attempt of any kind has been made against the insurgents, since I had last the honour of writing to your Grace, and, fortunately for us, they have been equally inactive on
their  



their part- nor had the Enemy yet attempted to throw in succours from the other Islands (a very small vessel with Provisions and Ammunition expected) though we have several reports of a Force preparing at Guadeloupe and St. Lucia.
                     The Act for vesting the command of the Militia in the General Officer commanding His Majesty’s Forces in the Island, during the existing Insurrection, has passed the Legislature, and I have the honour to forward a certified Copy by this Packet.
                     In the Copies of correspondence with Brigadier General Nicolls, which I had the honour to inclose in my letter to your Grace of the 11th Ulto, notice was taken of a general order issued by the Brigadier forbidding any vessel to leave the Island without first obtaining his permission. The principal Officers of his Majesty’s Customs for the Port of St. George, have, since the…
of  


517
of that order, refused to give the usual clearance Papers to vessels quitting the Port until the leave on the part of the  Brigadier had been first obtained – Complaint                     199
having been made to me of this circumstance, I wrote to the principal officers a letter of which the inclosed is a Copy. It was delivered to the Collector, but no answer has been returned to it.- The temporary nature of my command has made me averse to the measure of suspending these Officers, but I am satisfied that your Grace will see the propriety of maintaining, in all those who by His Majesty’s Commission are placed as first in command in the Colony, that authority which is requisite for such a situation, and therefore I have thought it my duty to state this circumstance for the information of your Grace.







Copy                                                                             519
Grenada 4th September 1795
200
              Gentlemen,
It having been represented to me that, for sometime past, vessels, which have regularly cleared at the Customs House, and complied with the requisites prescribed by Law, have not been permitted to receive their Papers, until they had produced a permission on the part of Brigadier General Nicolls to quit the Port; I have to request that you would inform me whether the representation thus made to me, is correct in point of fact.
                            I am &c
                            K.F. Mckenzie

Principal Officers
of his Majesty’s Customs

              St. George’s

Circumstances surrounding the Fedon Revolution of 1795, Grenada

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Grenada 28th February 1795

My Lord Duke,

                           I have the honor to receive Your Grace’s Circular Letter of the 3rd December enclosing copies of the Regulations adopted by the Board of Ordinance in passing the accounts of their accountants, and of The King’s Regulations in respect to the carrying on of Fortifications or other Military Services, to which I shall strictly conform.
                           I am also honored with Your Grace’s letter No 5, of the 10th December. I have fully explained to Sir John Vaughan the circumstances which render a strong Military Force of peculiar importance in this Island, and he has promised to remember it as soon as the reinforcement shall arrive. In the mean.

His grace
The Duke of Portland KG
&c                  &c                  &c
Page 2 missing?

Grenada, 28th Feb 1795 
Lt. Gov. Home


R 21st, April
ITEM:                                    Letter (Pages 1 to 5)
DATED:                        15TH March, 1795
FROM:                                    General Sir John Vaughan, Martinique
TO:                                    The Hon Henry Dundas
RECEIVED:                        1st June, 1795 (Duplicate – original not received)
ANSWERED:
SUBJECT:            Advising
 (a) Receipt of letters dated 3rd, 5th and 9th March from the Council of Grenada informing him that the Enemy (French) had landed at Grenville, had murdered many unresisting people, and had captured Lieut. Gov. Home plus about 30 other planters.
(b) That HMS Quebec (Captain Rogers) followed by HMS Resource had gone to the Island and that HMS Roebuck, outfitted as a hospital ship, was in Grenada at the time the French had landed.
(c) That he had sent Brig. Gen. Lindsay with a small party to take the Command, and that Lieut. Col. Shaw[1] of the 68th Regt. with a detachment of 140 men from the 9th and 68th had been sent from St. Lucia.
(d) That Gen. Seton of St. Vincent informed him that on 10th March the Caribs, abetted by the French, had attacked on that Island and that he had sent a Company of the 46th and 9th Regiments plus, at Gov. Seton’s request, enough arms and ammunition to arm 500 Negroes to assist in defending the Island.
(e)  That Major Malcolm’s force was holding the French in check in St. Lucia and that he had every confidence in Brig. General Stewart’s command in that Island. However, the Enemy was also threatening Antigua and other Colonies. His Squadron was blockading the made Harbour at Guadeloupe, but the French have been using small vessels to escape at night, each with 40 or 50 men bound for St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Grenada.
(f) That he was extremely mortified at the situation and most disappointed at the long delay in sending reinforcements and provisions for the Fleet etc.
ENCLOSURE:            A letter captured from the French was enclosed with General Vaughan’s letter, but a copy of that enclosure is not held.

[1] Also seen spelt as Schaw in letters from Gov. Mackenzie of Grenada
ITEM:                                    Letter (Pages 1 to 7)
DATED:                        28TH March, 1795
FROM:                                    K. F. Mackenzie – Acting Governor, Grenada
TO:                                    The Duke of Portland, K.G. – Whitehall, England
RECEIVED:                       
SUBJECT:            Advising
 (a) General insurrection of French Free Coloured people on 2nd March, massacre of White English inhabitants at Grenville, capture of White English inhabitants at Charlotte Town, including Lieutenant Governor (Ninian) Home who was on his way back to St. George’s by sea,  and  others from several estates in the Country.
(b) That he, Mackenzie, as the then senior member of the Council, had assumed command of the Island and had immediately placed the Island under Martial Law and sent Express Boats to inform the Governors of St. Vincent and Trinidad, the Captains of any British ships which the Express Boats might encounter, and the commanders of the British Land and Sea Forces (based, at the time, in Martinique)
(c) That, for a number of reasons,  attacks ordered against the Insurrectionists had all failed and that, with the assistance of a party of marines under the command of Captain Rogers from HMS Quebec, and of 40 soldiers and three armed ships sent by Governor Chacon of Trinidad, he had decided to focus on defending St. George’s until reinforcements arrived.
 (d) That Brigadier General Genera Lindsay had arrived from Martinique on the 12th March to take command but that, after initial success in capturing the lower of the enemy’s three Posts, (at what is now called Fedon’s Camp)had contracted fever and, in a fit of delusion, had committed suicide.
(e)  That Lieutenant Colonel Schaw of the 60th Regiment, who took over command of the Troops, and other officers had all concluded that their Force was to small to mount an effective attack against the remaining two Posts. As a result, he, Mackenzie, was forced to act on the defensive until reinforcements could arrive.
(f) He ends by praising the assistance provided by Captain Rogers and by Gov. Chacon and Don Churruca, the commanding officer of the Spanish force from Trinidad, but severely criticizing works at the Richmond Hill Prison..
No 22 Secret                                                                                          4--
                                                                    Martinico the 16th April 1795
                                                                                                 170
         Sir,
                  My last letter to you of the 27th March inclosed(sic) the latest account I had then received of affairs in Grenada.                                                                     The Convoy under the orders of R. Adm. Parker arrived at Barbados on and about the 30th March. The situations of the Islands of St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Grenada were equally critical and pressing for support – In the first the Enemy comprised bodies of revolted Negroes, headed by people from Guadaloupe, had increased in Numbers and arms so that we were reduced to the possession of M. Fr…. And the Town; the Enemy had taken Post upon two different points at a short distance from the ------ which they threatened to attack.-                                            
At St. Vincent the Charibs(sic) notwithstanding their defeat on Dorsetshire Hill, were in full possession of all the windward country, and we could not – more than guard Kingstown and the Fort.The interior of Grenada was wholly exposed to the Enemy in that Island, who were gaining daily in seducing the Negroes to their cause, and the untimely death of Brig. General Lindsay had again let the Command devolve upon a Gentleman respectable as a civilian but totally unqualified for the conduct of Military operations. As Grenada is a very valuable Colony, I (thought) deserved the first attention. I therefore sent Major Picton D.2. Maj. Gen. to meet the Convoy at Barbados with order to detach from thence without delay three of the Battalions most fit for service, and a strong Party of artillery; which I had reason to think was a force adequate to restore tranquility upon their appearance.
Unfortunately in this instance, as in many others, the evil effect of the Reinforcement being not half the strength which from your letters I had expected, has been much experienced – Major Picton finding the weakened state of the number of Troops in the Convoy, consulted with Colonel Nicolls, and with his advice ordered but two Battalions to Grenada, the 25th and 29th under the Command of Lieut. Col. Campbell.
I had left some discretion in the Orders which I sent by Major Picton, and he considered that as the whole Force arrived was smaller than was looked for, that the several parts must be proportional- I approved of this Reason; being of opinion that even two Battalions, if fit for Service, would accomplish the Business without much Difficulty.-
This Force landed at Grenada on the first Instant, and such a Disposition was made, as the president had upon Reflection and Knowledge of the Country thought and decided to be the best –
On the 12th Instant the Account reached me that the Troops had failed in an attack made upon the Enemy’s principal Post, with some loss.
I cannot enter into a detail of these transactions, it would require a great deal of Time, and that I can refer you for particulars to the several inclosures(sic)—the subject which I transmit from Mr. President MacKenzie and Lieut. Col. Campbell –
I must acknowledge that this turn of affairs was unlooked for by me-
As it was evident that a Commanding Officer was wanting, I instantly sent off Colonel Nicolls whom I had promoted to the Rank of Brigadier to take the Command. He left this on the 12th Inst. with every direction for his conduct which I could think of, but it is yet too soon to hear from him.
The remaining three Regiments which arrived at Barbados were ordered immediately here; as I have no doubt that they would be greatly inferior to the 46th and 61st Regts I had these Regiments in perfect readiness to embark, which they did the following day: the 46th I sent to St. Vincent, and the 34th and 61st to St. Lucia – The Battalion of the Queens and 45th were landed at Martinico.
It is very mortifying to me that the imminent danger to which each of the three abovementioned Islands were reduced, indeed this disposition unavoidable, by which the acting Force was in three Divisions_
A few days previous to receiving the Reinforcement and indeed, previous to the arrival of the Troops at Barbados Brig. Gen. Stewart at St. Lucia had fail’d in our attempt to dislodge the Enemy from one of their strongholds- I had given him Notice that he should soon be able to act offensively again, and desired him to be prepared with a plan of Operations-
When the 34th and 61st Reg. with a Detachment of Royal Arty. arrived, the Brigadier endeavoured to cut off the Enemy from the interior of the Country but in this he did not succeed; they retreated and he could only burn their Camp. He is now engaged in an attack upon Vieux Fort and Neighbourhood which is their principal Rendezvous, and where they receive their supplies.-
St. Vincent has been more fortunate in attacks upon the Enemy. The 46th Regt enabled Governor Seton to attempt three Posts of the Enemy in the night of the 10th inst. which were all successful and this barbarous Enemy driven to the Mountains with the loss of their Guns, but they have destroyed by Fire almost every Plantation on the Windward side of the Island.
In this Situation we now remain.
The other Islands have also been in a state of Danger, which required the utmost exertion on their own parts to ward off.
In Antigua and St. Kitts the inhabitants have been under arms for several weeks and  must remain so.
Necessity has convinced the Legislature of these Islands, however averse they were to the Principles, that they must have recourse to such Negroes, as they think they can rely on, for the defense of their Properties; and accordingly in each, they have arm’d and embodied a large Number._ I had no Troops at my command to send them although the important Garrison of Brimstone Hill consists only of about seventy Invalids which were sent from Guadeloupe unfit for duty in the month of October last, for the recovery of their health_ It has there given me the greatest concern that I have not rec’d His Majesty’s approbation for forming strong bodies of Blacks.. Nothing in my opinion can be more certain than the indispensable necessity there is for this measure _ It is to the Black forces under Lieut. Colonel Soter that we owe the possession of Martinico at this Moment.
It is to the lately raised Corps of Blacks under Capt. Malcolm that we have been able to retain our footing in St. Lucia. I do aver that had it not been for the Services of these two provincial – that both these Islands would before now have been lost._ It is in these Islands that my recommendation to establish Corps of Blacks is meant, the English Islands having Governors and Legislatures of their own, may judge for themselves.
I believe all of them have more or less adopted the plan and in compliance with their earnest solicitations I have supplied them with considerable quantities of Arms and Ammunition for their Militia and Negroes.
St. Vincent has only saved the small part of the Island which remains undevasted(sic) by the arming of Negroes. With all these proofs in support of an opinion I had formed since I cannot but with infinite Regret reflect that a set of self-interested Merchants who will not give a small part to save the remainder, should be attended to in the conducting of Operations in this Country, in preference to an officer commanding in Chief, who can have no motive but his own Credit, and the success of His Majesty’s Arms. I hope that Ministry will yet weigh this important Point with the attention it deserves.
Confident of His Majesty’s approbation, I had ordered Soter’s and Malcolm’s Corps to be augmented to four Companies each, of One hundred men per Company. The men for this service are obtained from the Colony, and the proprietors are to be paid their value by a Tax upon the whole Island.
It is an unpleasant part of my Duty to state to you the condition of the 45th Reg. I hesitate not to say that it is totally unfit for Service in any climate and more particularly here. It is chiefly composed of Boys, who have not strength to carry arms, and the Regiment has no article of Clothing suitable to this Country. It is injustice to expect successful service from such a Battalion. I speak not as a fault to be imputed to their officers, as the Regiment was completed, I understand, by a large number of raw Recruits previous to Embarkation.
The Battalion of the Queens appears better but have only three or four of their own officers, the others being from independent Companies.
Your letters No: 2.3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10 and 11, with the dispatches directed to the Dutch Governors of their several Colonies in the West Indies, I had the Honor to receive last Night; and the Chesterfield packet arrived with the duplicates at the same time.
It is my first desire to execute all His Majesty’s Commands; and I should with the utmost sense of Gratification, proceed upon the Directions contained in our letters relative to the Dutch Colonies, with the Forces under my Command adequate to the service; But Sir, as they are unequal at present, and are struggling to maintain our own Colonies; they are consequently still more unequal for the further service in question.
For this obvious Reason it is not to be expected any of the Dutch Colonies can be guarded by us if they are disposed to receive our Troops as Friends --we are able to secure the quiet possession of our own.
The Situation of the several Islands, and indeed the importance of great attention to the interior of Martinico has made it absolutely necessary for me to remain in this Colony as the center of all, and the most advantageous to receive or transmit Orders and Supplies from and to all the others; But for this I should certainly have been at St. Lucia and Grenada.
The Admiral has appointed a Convoy to sail from St. Kitts on the first of May, by which will be sent the Officers and Non Com. Officers of the drafted Regts. including the 58th and 64th. Also the French prisoners to the amount of above Seven hundred; as many of them are people of a very dangerous class here, I shall transmit with them an account of all who are of this description. The Enemy still retains their Prisoners at P.a Pitre, contrary to the Treaty of Capitulation.

I have the honor to be Sir, your Very Obedt. Humble

Servant                                        John Vaughan
Right Honorable,                                                  Henry Dundas

The Admiral will dispatch a Frigate immediately to the Governor of Demerary to deliver the dispatches of His Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder; and a joint Letter from us to your Letter No. 11-
Quarter Mas. Genl. has received 5000 shoes, Flannel Waistcoats and drawers: and I request another supply of these articles as soon as they can be sent –
NB. 5 Inclosures
No. 23

Martinico – sixteenth April 1795

188
Sir,
The Enemy having gain’d to their cause many of the French Inhabitants and Negroes in Grenada, and concerted measures for raising an Insurrection in that Colony, which from the perfidy of the inhabitants alluded to, they were invited to attempt.
They convey’d to that Island early in last March a quantity of arms and ammunition, with a small Number of Troops, which secretly joining themselves to the Conspirators appear’d suddenly in arms.
Lieut. Governor Home, and many other Gentlemen in the Country, were surprised and made Prisoners. His Majesty’s Troops being employ’d on many points, this dangerous Revolt could not be immediately suppressed; though from the Exertions of Capt. Rogers, H.M.S. the Quebec, and of the small Garrison there join’d to the Militia they were kept in cheque. (sic).   
The unfortunate death of Br.General Lindsay, ----- I sent to command there/ a few days after his arrival, retarded the Operations against them upon the arrival of the Reinforcement under the Command of Rear Adm. Parker at Barbados, two Battalions with a detachment of Royal Artillery was order’d to Grenada,
Several Skirmishes have happen’d since their landing in one of which, on the tenth Instant, it is with concern I have learnt that Captain Stopford[1] of the 9th Regt, Capt, Hewan[2] 25th and Baillie of the 29th were kill’d; and about twenty men killed and sixty wounded; owing entirely to their attempting the side of a steep Mountain defended wit abbatis(sic)[3].
Brig. General Nicolls whom I have sent to command there, will I am satisfied make every exertion to subdue this Enemy; and I trust soon to receive good Accounts from him.
I am sorry to add that the Enemy has committed many acts of Barbarity.
In St. Vincent, the Charibs(sic) instigated by the French and joined by most of the French Inhabitants, seized a favorable time most treacherously to attack the English Inhabitants of that Colony: the Acts of cruelty which they have committed upon defenseless Men, Women and Children are beyond Description; and burning every Plantation in their power.
Fortunately by Governor Seton’s Exertion, and of the Navy under Capt. Skinner of the Zebra, with the spirited behaviour of the Garrison and Inhabitants, they were                                                                                                                   (cont’d on page 3)
Beaten from a Post they occupied over Kingston, with the loss of their Chief; and the arrival of the 46th Reg. has enabled the Governor again to attack them, which he did on the tenth instant; and succeeded in driving them from three positions, with considerable loss on their side, and but small upon ours.    
I am in hope they will experience a just Punishment for their inhuman and unprovoked conduct.
The Colony from their Devastations is reduced to a very distressed Situation.
Frequent skirmishes pass at St. Lucia but as Brig. Gen. Stewart has received a considerable Reinforcement I flatter myself he will be able to make such an Impression upon the Enemy as will restore the Island to order.-
                              
I have the Honor to be,
                                    Sir
                                    With Great Respect
                              Your Most Obed.Hum. Servant
                                    John Vaughan

Right Hon’ble
      Henry Dundas
            ????

[1] Henry Stopford
[2] Tho. Barftow Hewan
[3] Abatis. A defense made of trees with boughs pointed outwards.
Most private
190
Martinique –18 April 1795

Sir,
     I am very sorry to find by your letter of the 19 February that in consequence of the opinions of some West India Planters and Merchants in London, you disapprove of the arming of the Blacks to be commanded by British Officers for the defense of the Colonies and that His Majesty desires I will refrain from the measure at least for the present.
I must confess that I am not surprised at this opinion of the x x Merchants and Planters in England, because six or eight months ago, I am well informed that the Planters resident in these Islands thought exactly in the same manner. But the late transaction at Guadaloupe first opened the eyes of the most enlightened and least prejudiced amongst them: and what has lately at St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Grenada has left no difference of Sentiment on this subject in their breasts. It is fair to argue that those who are on the spot, and see themselves and families exposed to dangers of the most trying kind, are more fitted to form an opinion on this subject than those who are at the distance of three thousand miles, and who have nothing but loss of property to contemplate.
For my own part, when I see that the war in this part of the Globe is carried on in the unexampled manner it now is; that the enemy avail themselves of the aid, not only of the native white men, but of the negroes who are incured(sic) to the Climate, can brave the dangers of it, and can be easily procured in such great numbers, whilst we are confined to the use of European troops, few in numbers, and in discipline, and exposed to the ravages of an unhealthy climate with which they are unable to contend, and to which they fall such numerous victims, I cannot hesitate to declare it as my opinion that unless His Majesty will be graciously pleased to sanction and promote this measure of xx forming negroe(sic) men into Regiments xx commanded by British Officers; or will send out a greater number of veteran British troops than has usually been done, I am afraid all these colonies will be wrested out of our hands and at no great distance of time.
Had it not been for the French negroes, which I suddenly and on the pressure of the moment armed in this Island and sent over to St. Lucia under the command of Major Malcolm, I am persuaded that Colony would have been long since lost to us. Nor are you a stranger to the great utility which Lieut. Col. Seton’s Company of blacks have been of in preserving tranquility in the interior of this Island. Besides it will be prudent at this ^time to keep alive the animosity which it is well known has hitherto subsisted between the English and French Blacks by arming the former against the latter. As otherwise it is to be feared that in case of invasion of any of our old Islands by the French, our slaves may be induced by the alluring offer of freedom to join their brethren in arms.
Some of the Islands, particularly those of Antigua and St. Kitts, have since the disasters of Grenada and St. Vincent, already armed large bodies of their negroes, and occasionally muster and discipline them for their internal defense in case of invasion, and I have little doubt but that ere long some if not all of these Colonies will spontaneously offer a certain proportion of their slaves to His Majesty to constitute a part of his army here. Should this offer be made to me as His Majesty’s confidential servant here, I cannot but confess that I shall feel myself very awkwardly situated. The struggle within my breast on this occasion is very great. My Inclination, no less than my Duty points out to me the strictest obedience to His Majesty’s will.
I must beg leave to state to you that the war in these Colonies is now carried on in a manner totally different to what it was before, even in Sir Charles Grey’s time, for the enemy now make it a war of posts, instead of making the xx Sovereignty of the Island their only object as before. They endeavour by every means to harass and weaken our regular forces hoping thereby, and by myriads of negroes they have at their command, ultimately to wrest from us these valuable Colonies.
 I undertook this Command with the sole view of promoting the good of my Country, and securing the Dignity and Honour of my Gracious Sovereign, and my most unremitted endeavours shall never be wanting to attain such desirable ends.

I have the honour to be with the greatest respect
                                    Sir
your most obedient and most humble servant
                                          
John Vaughan
Grenada, 24th April, 1795
                                                                                 
My Lord Duke,
                           In my letter of the 28th of March I had the honour to acquaint Your Grace with the particulars of a General Insurrection which had broken out in this Island and of the situation of our affairs to that period.
In pursuance of the Plan which I then stated to your Grace, one hundred Regulars and Militia under Captain Gurdon of the 58th Regiment embarked on two armed vessels with orders to effect a landing at Grenville Bay, and a party of fifty Militia were stationed at the Observatory, a commanding situation at five miles distance, to watch their debarkation and march to support them.—Captain Gurdon not thinking it advisable to enter Grenville Bay landed his party at Levera at the windward end of the Island, and joined the Militia at the observatory from whence he marched on the 2nd of April towards Grenville Bay but finding the Enemy in possession of the Pilots Hill, which it was intended he should occupy, and protected apparently by two pieces of Cannon, he thought his Force insufficient for the Enterprise & returned to the observatory. An extract of his Letter to me of the 3rd of April is enclosed for your Grace’s further information. (No.1)
         Under the idea that the landing place at Grenville Bay would be secured by Capt. Gurdon’s Detachment, I dispatched an express to meet the Commanding Officer of our expected Reinforcements, stating our situation, and desiring him to .land his Force in three divisions at Grenville Bay, Charlotte Town and St. George’s; as the only effectual Way of subduing the Insurgents would be by making a General movement towards the different avenues of their Camp at the same moment. My messenger found the 25th & 29th Regiments on their way from Barbados under the command of Lieut. Col. Campbell of the 29th to whom he delivered my Letter No. 2.
Lieut. Col. Campbell proceeded with the Fleet to Charlotte Town & there disembarked the two Regiments on the 1st instant.  On hearing of his arrival I had an interview with him to concert the best measures for employing his force, and I communicated the letter from Capt. Gurdon the moment I received it.  A detachment of three hundred men was re embarked for St. George’s under Major Mallory[1] of the 29th and a detachment of 250 men under the command of Major Wright of the 25th Regiment marched through the woods to support Capt. Gurdon[2].   Major Mallory’s detachment was intended to take post at Michel’s, a hill beyond the Grand Etang which commands the principal communication between Grenville Bay and the Enemy’s Camp, and from whence it was judged that their heavy supplies might be intercepted and their retreat cut off.
This detachment marched from St. George’s on the 4th, dislodged a party of the Enemy posted at Madame Ache’s, about 5 miles from the Town, and halted there for the night.
Ill health and a wound prevented Major Mallory from proceeding next day, and obliged me to order Lieut. Col. Eshe of the 68th Regiment from Charlotte town to take the Command which he assumed on the 6th, and had the Instructions No. 3 for his guidance, but as he thought his Force unequal to the difficulties which were to be encountered, no further progress was made by him.          I refer to his two letters of the 8th, my letter of the 9th and his reply of the same date for your Grace’s further information.
Major Wright’s detachment joined Captain Gurdon’s at Mount Horne, an estate above Grenville Bay, but as Major Wright’s detachment were much fatigued by the march and Capt. Gurdon had left some sick men and a Guard at the observatory, it was agreed to return to that Post and apply for some Artillery provisions and necessaries, to enable them to make their attack. These were immediately sent; and landed at Levera on the morning of the 7th, but Major Wright made no further movement; and unfortunately on the 8th a schooner from Guadeloupe escaped our Cruisers and brought the Enemy a supply of ammunition and officers. Major Wright’s letter to Lieut. Colonel Campbell written on the 9th (No. 7) will show the state of his detachment and the letter No. 8 from the officers of the Enemy’s Post at Grenville Bay to Fedon their Chief, which has fallen into my hands, will show their situation previous to the arrival of the schooner.
The failure of these two enterprises put an end to the plan of a general cooperation of the different detachments against the Enemy’s Camp, on which alone I had built my hopes of restoring our tranquility, but as delay was of every ill consequence to us and of every advantage to the Enemy, it was judged best to make an assault upon their Camp from the post before Belvidere which was still in our possession. Captain Watkins of His Majesty’s Ship Resource, gallantly offered his services, and collected one hundred and fifty volunteer seamen to assist Lieut. Col. Campbell and the Troops in the enterprise.
The Party moved on the morning of the 8th and the Enemy abandoned their lower camp on its approach, and retreated to their upper Post, which was found to be strongly defended by the inaccessible nature of the Ground, and by fallen trees interlaced in the nature of an Abbatis (sic). The ardor and resolution of the seamen and Troops led them to press forward notwithstanding these difficulties, and endeavour to gain possession of a Gun which was advanced from the summit of the Enemy’s position, but the heavy rains which had fallen made it scarce possible for the men to keep their feet- in climbing the hill and making their way through the fallen trees and underwood, their arms were of no service to them, and they were exposed to a very heavy and galling Fire from the Enemy, and after a painful and gallant effort, they were forced to retreat. I have the honour to enclose Your Grace, a Return of the killed and wounded. (No. 9)
Such, My Lord, were the Plans which I formed for the re-establishment of our affairs. They were the best which I could devise; but untoward accidents, in every instance, prevented their being carried into execution. I therefore considered it essential for His Majesty’s Service that the command of the Island should be put into the hands of a General Officer; under whom it was probable the army would act with more vigour and confidence than could well be expected from them under a Person whose profession was not Arms; and who could enforce that degree of discipline which is necessary on active service. I accordingly sent a letter by Express to Sir John Vaughan containing the particulars of our situation, stating the necessity of a vigorous and united effort against the Enemy, and making an earnest request that he would without delay send us a General Officer vested with the full command- who by making the whole Force of the Country act in concert, might rid it of an evil which threatened its ruin. Brigadier General Nicolls arrived here, and took the Command on the 16th in consequence of this application. The embodying and arming of trusty Negroes for internal defence having been found an advantageous measure in some of the other Islands, he has adopted a similar plan in this, and near three hundred Negroes in the Town and its Neighbourhood have enlisted. The post at Mde Ache’s is withdrawn, and the General is making preparations for an attack on Pilot’s Hill, where the Enemy are said to be now strongly in trenched.
From the long continuance of this Insurrection, the defection among the Plantation Negroes has become general and the Enemy are daily training them to Arms. The uninterrupted licence which they have had to wander at large thro’ the Country, and to plunder and burn the Estates, has ruined them for every valuable purpose, and it must be a length of time before the Colony returns to its former tranquility, even should success attend the future operations against the Enemy. On this subject, I fear to be sanguine. The 25th and 29th Regiments are composed of men unaccustomed to Service and unseasoned to the climate, and the delays which have taken place, have given to the Insurgents strength, numbers and confidence.-
[The Colony has already been put to a very heavy expense in supporting the Militia, and maintaining a number of vessels which it has been necessary to employ in the public service, and it is to be feared these expenses must be continued a considerable time. Hitherto, I have been able to make a sum which remained in the hands of the Colony Treasurer answer for such advances as were immediately necessary. But as this sum is daily lessening and as there is no possibility of levying any tax in the present confusion, I much fear it will not be in my power to avoid making some drafts on His Majesty’s Treasury for the support of our Public Credit. Your Grace may be assured that I shall not adopt this measure but upon the next pressing necessity and that I shall use the best precautions in my power to make the Legislature responsible for the repayment of the sum as soon as the situation of the Colony will any way permit it.]
It is with sincere concern I must add, that from different accounts we have received by Negroes who have escaped from the Camp, there can remain little if any doubt that the Lieutenant Governor and his unfortunate fellow Prisoners were massacred on the day of the attack by an order of Julien Fédon, except the Revd. Mr. McMahon, Dr John Hay and a Mr. Kerr, who it is reported have been sent prisoners to Guadeloupe. Two negroes are here who say they were present, one at the commencement and the other during the whole of the Butchery.
I have also the great mortification to acquaint Your Grace with the death of Capt. Rogers of His Majesty’s Ship Quebec, an excellent Officer and a Good Man, whom this Colony will long remember with gratitude for his zealous and unremitted exertions in its favour.         He was seized with a violent attack of fever on the 21 and died this afternoon –
                                                            
   I have the honor to be
                                                      My Lord Duke,
                                                               Your Grace’s
                                                               most obedient and
                                                               most humble Servant
                                                                        K. F. MacKenzie



[1] Major John Mallory
[2] Throughout his “Short Account of The Insurrection”, D.G. Garraway spelt the name as Guerdon. However, the published list of the officers of the “Fifty-eighth (or the Rutlandshire) Regt. Of Foot” gives his name as Ph. Brampton Gurdon; the spelling found in this and other letters.
Lieut. Governor Home[1]         

Sir,
No. 8                  I have received and laid before the King your letter of the 20th of February last.
I highly approve of the steps which you have taken for the preservation of the Island under your Government and I have no doubt but the same exertions will be continued until such an effectual Reinforcement shall arrive as cannot fail of completely re:establishing our Authority in that Quarter.
I have been, for some time, under great uneasiness, on account of a report which has been current here that the French have landed in Grenada, and committed some depredations in that Island, but as no official accounts have been yet received in confirmation thereof, I am, on many accounts, in anxious expectation of further information on this subject.
                               
     I am  ..
                                             Portland

[1] At the time this letter was written Governor Ninian Home and some 47 other English inhabitants had already been massacred by Fedon at his Camp at Belvidere Estate, in response to an attack on the Camp by the British Forces  on the  8th April, 1795
Grenada 16th May 1795

My Lord Duke,
I had the honor in my letter of the 24th April to state at large to your Grace the situation of the Public affairs of this Colony to that Point. Two days after our Posts in the heights above Charlotte Town were evacuated, and the expedition against Grenville bay was undertaken, but the Enemy abandoned Pilot Hill, and retreated to the heights on the second night after landing of the Troops in the neighborhood.
Brigadier General Nicolls has since occupied Pilot Hill, established Posts at Sauteurs and at Negrin, and reinforced Charlotte Town.
The remainder of the Troops and Militia are in garrisons in the Town & Fortifications.
By this arrangement, the principal landing places are in some measure protected but the interior of the Island is left open to the Enemy and but few of the might explain the Plans which I had adopted for the restoration of public order, and the circumstances which had rendered them ineffectual. The principal part of these Papers have been already communicated to your Grace in my letter of the 24th April.- Such as were omitted I now add. (No. 13) – No. 14 contains a Resolution of the House of Assembly after having considered these Papers.
 I have the honour to inclose a State of His Majesty’s Council on the 8th instant (No. 15) and regret the vacancy which has happened by the resignation of Mr. Thomas Campbell, one of the oldest and most respectable Inhabitants of this Colony, but his health was so reduced, that an immediate removal from the Island became indispensible – As it was necessary to have a sufficient number of Councillors to form a Board, I appointed John Garraway and John Tate Esquires, to act as Councillors until His Majesty’s pleasure should be known – These Gentlemen are respectable Merchants resident in St. George’s, and the former commands the St. George’s Militia. I beg leave to recommend them to His Majesty, for confirmation.
The French Schooner which I mentioned in my last letter as having arrived from Guadeloupe with succours to the Enemy early in April, brought over a number of Copies the inclosed printed Paper (No. 16) which have been industriously distributed in the Island.- Altho’ the gross misrepresentations which fill this Paper are apparent to any Person in the least acquainted with what has happened.  I thought it might be attended with good effects upon the ignorant, the wavering, and the inconsiderate, to make a short and plain comment on the Proclamation of the 4th of March, and on
  (No. 17) this Decree, and to publish them together. The arrival of Brigadier General Nicolls, who thought differently, prevented this publication from taking place.- I cannot, however, but be of opinion that strictures of this nature, published occasionally by Government in the West Indies, would be attended with good effects, as they would, in some instances, counterwork the French Publications, which evidently 
[document incomplete]

Our Independence Legacy—Fifty-Five Years On

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By Gérard A. Besson 


When asked to write on independence I remembered a line in the foreword of a book of Angelo Bissessarsingh’s that read, “. . . Angelo is concerned with legacy. Legacy in this case meaning both what is received and what is passed on.” Then, someone rang up to ask what I thought about the renaming of Queen Street in Port-of-Spain. I felt that the one had to do with the other: 

The roots of our indifference. 

Our history is unlike that of other islands in the Caribbean. Trinidad, not Tobago, did not have as long a gestation in the womb of colonialism as say Barbados or Jamaica, which commenced their social and economic development before the 1600s. Caribbean slave societies, sugar economies with mostly ethnically homogenous populations, they matured through a long history of societal gestation. 
In the case of Trinidad, our disparate and even then segmented population arrived suddenly from 1783 with the Cedula for Population. Before that, Trinidad was an almost deserted island. Not Tobago. From 1783, Europeans and Black people who were not enslaved and those who were arrived, mostly from the French islands.  Many were refugees, political enemies and strangers to each other.  Some had actually been involved in the slaughter of the relatives of the people next to whom they lived in Port-of-Spain. After the British conquest of 1797 to this milieu were added Chinese, Portuguese and African freedmen. Then, after much miscegenation, some decades later, Indian indentureship commenced, and latterly the Lebanese and Syrians arrived. It was, in the majority, an Afro-French–Creole society from which the Indian segment was kept separate and who themselves maintained separateness. It served the interest of the British colonial administration to maintain these divisions.
In spite of this segmentation, which still exists, Trinidad and Tobago had a really good start. Although there was great inequality and institutionalised racial prejudice that kept everybody in their respective places, the colonial period did actually put into place the mechanisms that formed the bedrock for the democratic institutions of today. Compared to many other newly independent nations of the 1950s and 60s, Trinidad and Tobago has done, in that regard, remarkably well. 
The divisions that shaped our colonial experience have continued to blight our post-independence existence. This is so because of the politics of independence, which did not take sufficient consideration of the assimilation of the Indian-descended population that had been in Trinidad for over 100 years and then represented over one third of the population. It was not taken to heart by the shapers of the independence movement, who were Creole people of a generation born in the 1910s. They behaved as though the Indians were transients who had outstayed their welcome and would somehow return to India. The Colonial Office, knowing that the Indo-Trinidadian politicians had a very shallow professional and intellectual base and were not familiar with the Civil Service, tended to favour the independence movement. 
Dr. Eric Williams’ personality was in many ways formed by 19th century notions, and his academic study of African slavery had shaped his worldview. He appears to have had, personally, a heightened sense of victimhood. All this he turned into the politics of entitlement, which were readily accepted. That, coupled with his belief that guilt could be inherited, served to alienate the European segment in general and the French Creole and off-white community, to which he was connected, in particular. Thus one form of racism was replaced with another. 
We are still living out, in our social life and in our politics, Williams’ divisiveness. Independence did not create a unity of identity; it merely gave us the right to elect politicians from the tribal elements. There lies the challenge for future leaders.

When people change, things loose their relevance.

Here are two examples of what has further contributed to our inability to arrive at a commonly held sense of identity, which should have given us a commonly shared belief in the idea of legacy.

First. Over the last 55 years, we have had an experience that no other Caribbean island has had. Of the more or less 50 percent of the population who are not of Indian descent, more than a third have gone abroad. These emigrants were mostly urban, secondary school educated, more or less middle class. Not to say that Indians haven’t emigrated as well, but not in any significant quantity.  
At the same time, about the same amount of people or more than that of those who left, have come from the islands of the Caribbean.  Those immigrants’ backgrounds were mostly rural and primary school educated. 
This unique demographic transformation has impacted on Trinidad and Tobago politically, socially and culturally, and has significantly diminished the identity of the Afro-Creole sector. More than a ‘brain drain’, it was a deep cultural alteration within the context of the local Afro-Creole culture. The fruit of that culture, produced throughout the 19th and first half of the 20th century, have emigrated, taking their legacy with them. And this is why there are fewer and fewer people to whom the state of the Red House, President’s House or if Queen Street changes its name, has any relevance. When people change, things lose their relevance.
In the Indian-descended segment, now in their fifth or sixth generation of being born Trinidadians, a burgeoning business and professional class has developed, producing a growing middle class, possessed of a large tertiary-educated cohort. 
On the other hand, the decline in intellectual capital amongst the Afro-Creole segment through emigration and immigration has led to the shrinking of their middle class, and to what Professor Selwyn Ryan understands as “the loss of hegemony” of that segment, resulting in what economist Dr. Terrence Farrell describes as an “underachieving society” also in that particular segment. 
It is ironic that the independence movement, which was crafted mainly for the advancement of the Afro-Creole sector, has seen such decline while the marginalised Indo-Trinidadian sector has advanced.

The second factor that has negatively impacted on our collective identity as a people, certainly on discipline and on productivity, was the end of the agricultural economy. Agriculture in Trinidad and Tobago prior to independence was large, racially inclusive and very diverse. It had existed for 200 years, and gave us shared notions of identity, built through the 19th century and into the first half of the 20th. 
For example; there were 13,000 acres planted in citrus that produced 432,000 crates of citrus in 1954. Bananas saw 45,546 stems exported in 1953. Rice production from 288 mills drawn from 18,000 acres produced 12,000 tons of rice. Forest production reserves in 1953, 49,000 acres; protected reserves, 194,900 acres; sugar estates’ cane acreages, 36,000. Farmers’ cane acreages, 44,000; number of farmers, 111,000.
Coconuts, 40,000 acres under cultivation produced 21,400 tons of copra valued at  $1,840,509 in 1953. Our famous cocoa had 120,000 acres under cultivation, this produced 200,000 cwt of cocoa in 1954. Can you imagine the work, the productivity, the discipline, and the compassion that all this engendered? 
One of the effects of the loss of the agricultural sector is that we have become a compassionless society. When you have hundreds of thousands of people, whether they are Indian, white, mixed-race or African people, who are all devoted to the bringing up of livestock, market gardening, vegetable planting, cocoa and coffee cultivation and so on, you have people who have a lot of love for their animals and for their plants. You have to love your donkey! Which brings us to livestock: in 1954, there were 37,900 cattle in Trinidad and Tobago, 3,000 water buffaloes, 39,000 goats, 5,000 sheep, 35,000 pigs, 2,400 horses, 2,800 mules and 6,000 donkeys.

When things lose their relevance, their meanings change. 

The social transformation caused by emigration and immigration within the Afro-Creole segment, in combination with the destruction of the agricultural economy as well as other factors, created a profound dissonance in the body politic and in commonly held ideas of identity and a shared understanding of legacy. 

This dissonance causes us to honour Angelo Bissessarsingh with national awards for his preservation of legacy on the one hand, but to erase, with impunity, the historical street names of our capital city on the other.


Review of Cult of the Will. Dr. Selwyn Ryan.

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Professor Selwyn Ryan's comments on the publication of Cult of theWill by Gerard Besson

It is perhaps a coincidence that the publication of Gerard Besson's controversial book, The Cult of the Will, should occur at the same time as the defeat of the People's National Movement (PNM) in the recently concluded general elections. The book is also being outdoored at a time—Friday 9—when the Eric Williams Memorial Lecture is scheduled to be delivered at the Central Bank. One of the basic arguments of the book is that Eric Williams and the PNM are "dead" or, if not, deserve to be. 
The book consists of two basic parts. The first deals with rise and fall of the family of Francois Besson to which the author belongs. That family portrait is however not a vain exercise. Drawing on a wealth of documentary data, including wills, Besson fashions a tapestry of the black and white French creole community in Grenada and later in Trinidad from which one learns a great deal.  
The second part of the book deals, inter alia, with wills and Williams, and argues that wills had a lot to do with who got what in Trinidad's racially stratified society. It argues further that two wills in particular, involving Eric Williams and his white forbears, had a significant impact on the post independence politics of Trinidad and Tobago. 
Our analysis is confined to three of the books main arguments. The first is that Eric Williams and his intellectual patron, CLR James, wilfully and deliberately conspired to produce a contrived account of the British anti-slavery movement which Williams misused for political purposes. According to Besson, a significant aspect of the narrative, much of which is found in Capitalism and Slavery and The History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago, tends to stereotype the European planters and their descendents as "villains", and characterises the African slaves, and latterly their descendants, as "victims". 
Besson's argument is that Williams consciously revised the British narrative about the abolition of the slave trade and emancipation to counter the conventional version which anchors the anti-slavery movements in British humanitarian concerns.  
Williams claimed that he had unmasked a "gross historical lie" and had unmasked "a great academic conspiracy" which had lent credibility to the British claim that they were humanitarians who had a moral right to govern and civilise the colonies. 
These arguments have, of course, long been the subject of academic argument and counterargument. For Besson, however, they are not matters that concern only academics. They have had great political consequences for Trinidad and Tobago and the Caribbean. As he complains, Dr Williams would carry his conspiracy theory about the abolition of the slave trade and emancipation forward into his political life. 
He would develop a political programme that would exploit these ideas. His revisionist narrative pilloried the European population in Trinidad and Tobago not only as descended from slave owners, but also of inheriting their guilt, while ignoring the complicity of the Africans who had sold their fellow Africans in exchange for trade goods. 
Besson makes two other basic points which are germane to his argument. One is that Williams' neurotic behaviour was informed by hostility to the white creole group to which his family belonged. In sum, his personality was misshaped by his belief that his family were "victims of the Will". The complaint was that the family was robbed or deprived of the various bequests that were made by their white relatives. 
This obsessive reaction was projected unto the "true inheritors" of history's bequest, viz the Afro-creole masses. His politics was thus about "revenge" and racial entitlements. "He conveniently forgot that his own forbears, his father's people, had been slave owners." 
Besson further argues that his "massa day" diatribe in 1960-61 was an attempt to exorcise his demons. It also excited the gullible and those inclined towards anti-white and anti-Indian racism. 
As Besson writes, "the Afro-creole masses would inherit what he and his family could not. He may possibly have seen his personal history as the country's destiny. He utilised political control to compensate the Afro-Creole population for the inheritance that they had long been denied. This was the basis of Williams' interpretation of the ideal welfare state, and would later form an integral part of the political culture of the PNM and of the entire country over the next 50 years." 
Besson's third thematic argument is that the paradigm that emerged from his version of history and which shaped the post independence politics of Trinidad and Tobago has now run its course. It is now time, he argued, to articulate an integrated New World narrative which treats all constituent groups as part of a whole. 
All should be beneficiaries of the will, figuratively speaking. As he argues, and we quote him at some length, "the PNM's version of who was legitimate politicised victimhood and guilt and the scapegoating of certain of its members…and served to erode ethnic harmony, respect for law and order and notions of moral and civic responsibility in the collective mind of contemporary society. The Williams narrative has contributed to the feeling that everything is outside the law and is up for grabs or reinterpretation. Many civil institutions (the police force, the administration of justice, the education system) have lost credibility and are hardly capable of conveying meaning or confidence in civil society." 
In sum, Williams and the PNM are seen to be largely responsible for most of our past and present discontents. Salvation lies in exposing the fallacies and the policies that emerge therefrom. Besson claims support in the experiences of Obama who, in his Audacity of Hope, also called for a new moral dispensation. As Obama had argued, "the role of victim was too readily embraced as a means of shedding responsibility, or asserting entitlement or claiming moral superiority over those not so victimised". 
There are some who would dismiss the book a as an anti-PNM rant, which would be a mistake. 
The book does debunk as myth a lot of what Williams and his supporters have said and did. There is however much in the book that is of great interest and which one would find intellectually provocative. It should spark public debate. The mood of the country in fact parallels some of the arguments of the book . 
It is also clear that while Williams was responsible for much that was positive about our national development, we are also paying the price for some of the behaviours which he authorised and legitimised.  
It is however too easy to blame almost everything that has gone wrong on the Williams narrative. Williams was part of a worldwide anti-colonial movement. His Massa Day Done rhetoric and his personal and cultural hubris fed on this worldwide Bandung spirit which would have flourished, stolen bequest or no stolen bequest. The discourse about the cult of the will make interesting reading, but is made to carry too much of the burden of what could be explained in other ways as I have attempted to do in my Eric Williams: The Myth and The Man.

The 18th century Brigand War in the Caribbean

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Perhaps if you have the kind of romantic imagination that is now going out of style you may feel yourself drawn towards a Caribbean experience that goes beyond being baked to a crisp while becoming charmingly incoherent after of your seventh rum-punch.  If this is at all the case you may want to learn something about a topic that just a mere two hundred or so years ago made hearts race and brave men think hard about finding a place to hide. No, I am not talking about hurricanes. I am talking about an episode in our past that was called the Brigand War and especially some of the personalities that shaped that period.
Historians have said that these Antialien islands are a product of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. What they mean is that as the 18th century came to a close disputes that had their origins in Paris, London or Madrid were settled right here on these sandy shores or upon that crystal clear horizon, that with a bit of luck, you might not only see the fabled green flash illuminate the day’s end, but actually catch it on your iphone so as to put it on face-book.
One of the more outstanding events to take place in that period was the advent of a man called Victor Hugues.  The European wars for territories in the Caribbean reached boiling point in the 1790s. The French Revolution of 1789 served to add civil war to the equation. Turbulence and violence, political upheaval and revolt reigned throughout the string of islands. From Grenada, to St. Vincent, though to St. Lucia, Dominica, Guadeloupe and among the maroons - former slaves who had taken to the Blue Mountains of Jamaica’s central range. And most violent and catastrophic of all, in Saint-Domingue now known as Haiti.
This ‘ring of fire,’ which was in fact the effect of the Age of Enlightenment upon the western world, sought to bring an end to the dominance of both altar and throne. It had commenced in North America, under George Washington, as the descendants of immigrants there battled against British control, and would continue with Simon Bolivar until the Wars of Liberation brought an end to Spanish domination in south America.
There had been fierce fighting  in the Eastern Caribbean for some years. This was characterized by battles at sea whose very names – the Battle of the Saints, the Battle of Cape St Vincent or the Battle of Grenada– conjure the choking odors of grapeshot, black powder and battle ablaze, as seventy eight gun frigates fought it out against magnificent sunsets of legendary splendor. 
In 1794, British troops took Martinique. A month or two later, they landed in Guadeloupe. There, for the first time, they came up against Victor Hugues, a former shop owner and minor merchant of Port-au-Prince on the island of Saint-Domingue, now called Haiti. It was said that he had been born at Marseilles, France, perhaps in 1760. He had a grasp on learning it was said and like so many young men he yearned to travel. He shipped aboard a merchantman as a cabin boy, sailing the trade routes on the Atlantic run. He often wintered in the Antilles, enjoying the wealthy mulatto lifestyle of the parvenus and the debaucheries of the harbour towns.
He is remembered as a raucous fellow of a huge sexual appetite, who tended to attract the young, naive and impoverished whites.  A thirst for knowledge and the pursuit of belonging made him seek the membership in an esoteric, pseudo-masonic order, called ‘Societé d’Harmonie’. He became the leader, some say even the Robespierre of the French Revolution in the Caribbean. He sailed from Marseilles armed with republican fever, gold, a handful of loyal henchmen and a guillotine.  Hugues was a daring man; people said that he was coloured and hated the ‘békés’, for being placed by them beyond the diameter of society despite his grasp of culture and his intelligence.
The squadron under his command attacked the British in 1795 in Basseterre and forced them out of Guadeloupe by the end of that year. His reign of terror took the lives of over one thousand royalists.
Victor Hugues then set to work to exterminate the monarchists and drive the British out of the Windward and Leeward islands as well as convert people of these islands  to the cause of the French republican revolution. He dispatched agents to St. Vincent to stir up the population there, then sent in Jacobin irregulars on the heels of the agents, and before long the English were hardpressed to keep the capital Kingstown, while the French, made up of black and coloured troops, and the Carib Indians overran and held the rest of the island. In Tobago, there was serious cause for alarm. Now once again in British hands, the African slaves, most of them French speaking with connections in other islands, had already been indoctrinated by the revolutionary fervour that had swept the islands, causing Scarborough to be burnt. Tobago’s planters were asking for a ‘stout frigate to be stationed in Great Courland Bay.
Hugues dispatched his agents to Jamaica, where for the third time a full-fledged war was being waged between the maroons, these were slaves who had freed themselves, and the occupying British troops. They were so heavily engaged that no reinforcements could be sent from Jamaica to relieve General Maitland’s fever-stricken English soldiers in Saint-Domingue who were attempting to take that island from the African slaves who were in revolt under a charismatic leader known to history as Toussaint Louverture. By 1798, the English were compelled to leave that island, while in Jamaica, the black maroons had to be accommodated after a truce was arranged high up in the cockpit country of the blue mountains.
Victor Hugues, undaunted, turned to Grenada, where there was tension between the English and the French speaking free colourds. He was a genius at sowing division and a brilliant manipulator! His agents promoted revolt in Grenada. They were followed by picket men, who built up cells or small cadres. Then, soldiers were brought in. A coloured Grenadian planter, Julien Fedon, was chosen as leader. An army of French and free blacks was formed, and then revolutionary troops were sent in from Guadeloupe.
The rising under Fedon broke out at midnight of 2nd March, 1795. They surrounded the town of Grenville and commenced a massacre that to this day is still remembered. After fighting off the British for more than a year Fedon withdrew to his estate Belvedere, 2000 ft above sea level on the sumit of Mt. St. Catherine. He established three camps, named them the ‘Field of Liberty’,  the ‘Field of Equality’ and the ‘Field of Death’. Soon the governor and his staff had been taken, and Fedon warned that any attempt to attack the island would mean their death.
Meanwhile, Victor Hugues was attempting to destabilise Trinidad, and to demoralise Don José Maria Chacon, the Spanish  governor. He offered to send his men to ‘help’ the governor to ‘control’ the island. Chacon in Trinidad responded by sending a few Spanish soldiers to join the British in Grenada in their planned attack on Fedon’s mountain fortress.
Terrible rainstorms lashed Grenada on the day that Fedon’s encampment was attacked. The English troops were pinned down by relentless fire from above. Fedon’s troops felled huge trees. The English commander inexplicably killed himself. Yet the attack was maintained.
At the ‘Field of Death’ a terrible massacre had taken place. The hostages were executed. The governor’s wife and daughters, his aid and accompanying officers were all killed in a hail of bullets. Some 55 persons died. There were a few survivors, among them Dr. John Hay, Fr. McMahon and a Mr. Kerr.
The British armed a contingent of loyal slaves, the ‘Corps of Loyal Black Rangers’, and pursued Fédon’s men while garrisoning St. Georges. In April, Sir Ralph Abercromby arrived in Grenada with troops and attacked the mountain stronghold. He defeated Fedon there, but not before another 20 hostages had met their deaths.
None saw Fédon die. He was last seen trying to sail away in a small boat and is said to have drowned. Thus ended the Battle Mt. Qua Qua.

Over 150 years later, in the latter part of the 20th century, Grenada again experienced revolution, overthrow and massacre of more than 100 citizens at the fort in St. Georges. Is this a case of history repeating itself? Or is this a matter of unresolved issues playing themselves out? It is said that people who do not know their past are doomed to repeat it.

The First People of Trinidad & Tobago

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Conquerabia
Photo: Kurt Jessurun/www.tropilab.com
The place of the silk cotton trees. The  city of Port-of-Spain and its environs was once distinguished by the large quantity of Ceiba pentandra, Silk cotton trees, that grew there, giving rise to the Amerindian name for it, Conquerabia, Camocorabo, Cumcurape and Cumacarapo now called Mucurapo. There several villages were founded, mostly on the banks of the rivers that flowed seaward through the forest: The Ariapita and Tragarete, now the Saint Anne / The Dry River in the east and the Maraval river in the west.
Legend has it that a great battle took place in ancient times in or near where Port-of-Spain now stands. The fight was between two rival tribes of Arawaks.

James Stark in a guide book to Trinidad, 1899, records that present Woodford Square was once called “Place des Ames” or place of souls by some, or “Place des Armes” place of arms by others, in commemoration of the battle.

The memory of Trinidad & Tobago’s First People lies as lightly on our consciousness as this morning’s mist in the folds of Mon Repos. Their history, long forgotten, as a book, is closed, but it is not altogether lost.
Their words, now become place names, are as huge petroglyphs that read Tarcarigua, Tunapuna, Caroni, Guanapo, Tamana, and so many others. These are scattered across our landscape and stand as markers, like mileposts from another time, marking places where they lived and died.
Then there are the remnant First People themselves, embedded in families, some still close to the land, who have managed, through many generations to maintain a sense of identity, a belief in belonging to a community of the spirit, the spirit of the ancestor.

Folklorist Mito Sampson captured a fascinating memory of the First People, perhaps the last recorded – that reached back into the 1830s or 40s, in his study of the Jamette culture of East Port-of-Spain during the 1930s and 40s, which was published in the Caribbean Quarterly’s special Carnival edition of 1957. Mito Sampson was able to tap into a rich vein of oral history that had been maintained and passed on as tribal history embroidered into the fabulousness of myth.
And what is myth? One source simple states that myth is a traditional story consisting of events that are ostensibly historical, though often supernatural, exploring the origins of a cultural practice or natural phenomenon.

In writing this article, which is in commemoration of Trinidad & Tobago’s First People being recognised, officially, as a component element, in fact the foundation member of the national community, I have chosen, in the first instance,  Mito Sampson’s paper as a start in the capturing
of their oral tradition.

Conquerabia which became Marine Square, now Independence Square Port-of-Spain in the 1920s. 
It was during this period that characters such as Jo-Jo, Ofuba the Slave and Thunderstone as well as personalities like Cariso Jane and Surisima the Carib would have made up the town’s Jamette society.
It is from this source, which is the crucible, so to speak, of the Creole culture that gave us Calypso, Carnival and the Steelband from which Mito Sampson drew his information. The Jamette society of the town were those who lived beyond the diameter of the inner circle of polite society, they were notorious for being absurdly scandalous, vulgar and in a way amusingly obscene.

The Raconteur from Ruby Finlayson’s 1900s collection of Port-of-Spain personalities.

Words spoken, a story is told, as a gift given. It is a legacy to pass on, a precious thing that had been handed down through what? two hundred years, since the time of the Spanish rule, in this remnant community. It was like a fossil to  the eager young researcher with the notebook.  Mito Sampson’s informant called himself Jo-Jo. He may be placed in history as being born, perhaps in Port-of-Spain in the 1830s or 40s.
Sampson records that “Jo-Jo was a son or nephew of Thunderstone, Chantwell to the Congo Jackos band, who lost his wife Cariso Jane to Surisima the Carib. Jo Jo became a jamette in his early twenties, and later a wayside preacher. At times he was reluctant to give the salacious details, but would yield under pressure, though he thought it was a waste of time to probe into what was best forgotten. He was strong on African slave legend, and gave me calypsoes from Ofuba the Slave and his son Possum.
“If it were not for Jo Jo, the information concerning Surisima the Carib and the legends and folk traditions of the Caribs would have been lost; Jo-Jo’s father knew Surisima personally, and had taken part in the ceremony known as “the burning of Caziria”. Jo Jo was over 92 when he died.

Illustration from "Sk)etches of Amerindian Tribes 1841–1843"
 by Edward Goodall (British Library Board. Goodall
was the official artist accompanying
Sir Robert Schomburgk on a expedition into the Guyanas
and has left for us a valuable record of the Tribal People of the area.
“According to the legends passed on by Surisima the Carib, a well known Calypso singer of the mid nineteenth century, the word Cariso, by which the term Calypso was known, prior to the 1890s, is descended from the Carib term “Carieto”, meaning a joyous song. Surisima was famous also as a folklorist and raconteur. People would pay him to come to their homes and enlighten them on long forgotten events. He was a wayside historian, and wherever he spoke, people gathered. Surisima recreated much of the old Carib tradition, which is still remembered today.
Carietos, the joyous songs of the First People, were used to heal the sick, to embolden the warrior and to seduce the fair. It is said that under the great Cacique Guamatumare, singers of Carieto were rewarded with special gifts of land, and that next to the tribal leaders they also owned the love of the fairest ladies.
In the time of the Cacique Guancangari, the two great singers were Dioarima, tall, powerful and extremely handsome, and, an undersized weakling.  Their voices were capable of arousing cowards, invigorating the jaded and placating the delirious. Dioarima had two beautiful daughters who were guarded night and day. One night a singer hid in the bushes, and sang a series of haunting songs which had the two girls uneasy. The following night they escaped from their guards, and met the singer in the woods. He took them to Conquerabia (now Port-of-Spain) and lived with them in regal splendour until he was killed in battle. Guandori, a great stick-man of the 1860s, was the last of their descendants.
When the Spaniards heard of these miracle singers, whose voices spurred men on to battle even in the face of fearful odds, they used bribery and clever manipulation, and finally ambushed the two through the treachery of the Carib slave-woman Caziria. The singers were subjected to unspeakable tortures and molten lead was poured down their throats.
With the death of Casaripo and Dioarima, the Carib forces rapidly disintegrated, and were eventually conquered by the Spaniards.  Surisima himself used to organise a procession of Carib descendants from the city of Port-of-Spain to the heights of El Chiquerro where a huge effigy of Caziria, the betrayer, was belabored and burnt after drinking, feasting and singing obscene songs. The only song remembered is:
‘Cazi, Cazi, Cazi, Caziria
Dende, dende. dende dariba’.

“Shifter Brathwaite reported to me his father’s assertion that when these people sang they actually felt the pain and sorrow experienced by the Caribs when Casaripo and Dioarima were betrayed, and sang with real hate and rancour towards Caziria and just as they finished singing that song they began to belabour the effigy, then burn it. On one occasion Surisima the Carib tried to carry on that ceremony in the city but police “ran” them, and they were all brought to court.
In 1859, Mr. William Moore, an American ornithologist, came to Trinidad. He gave a lecture on birds and he had cause to make allusion  to the Cariso, saying that many of the Carisos are localised versions of  American and English ballads. When Surisima the Carib heard that he was annoyed. Two days later he went to Mr. Moore’s hotel with a crowd of followers and he lampooned him viciously. The lampoon is preserved to this day. This is what he sung: ‘Surisima: Moore the monkey from America! Crowd: Tell me wha you know about we cariso!” They kept on singing like that creating a furor until the police intervened.”
Thanks to Mito Sampson the authentic voice of folk tradition was passed on, carrying with it the traces of a mythology that speaks of the inner memories of a people, of beauty, love and betrayal; of revenge, and of the celebration, in a forgotten ritual, of the memory of a time when our country was young.


The Land of the Hummingbird




Perhaps the oldest recorded anecdotes of the First People are to be found in Edward Lanza Joseph’s History of Trinidad, 1838. In an ethnographic study it mentions an enduring Creation Myth, how the wrath of the great spirit of Trinidad, who in defense of the beauty of the hummingbird, caused the destruction of an invader and the creation of the Pitch Lake at La Brea.
Joseph writes in his description of the flora and fauna of the island, “I now come to the smallest, but to me the most interesting of the feathered tribe, called hummingbirds, because we have here such a number of species, such endless varieties of these graceful and resplendent creatures as to justify the aboriginal Indian name of Trinidad, viz. Iere, that is to say, Land of the Hummingbird.

“The aborigines treated these darlings of nature with religious veneration, calling them beams of the sun, and supposing them animated by the souls of the happy...
“Formerly (say the Indians) the spot on which stands the Pitch Lagoon was occupied by a tribe of Chaimas, who build their ajoupas (huts) here, because the land abounded in pineapples, and the coast in oysters and other shell fish; the finest turtle and fish were here taken, and its limpid springs were frequented by countless flocks of flamingos, horned screamers, pauies (wild turkeys), blue ramiers and humming-birds.
The inhabitants of this Chaima encampment, by wantonly destroying the humming-birds, which were animated by the souls of their deceased relations, offended ‘the Good Spirit’ who, to avenge their impiety, made one night the whole encampment sink beneath the earth with all its sacrilegious inhabitants; the next morning nothing was perceived of the Chaima’s village, but instead the Lagoon of Asphaltum appeared.”

It was out of this myth, traditionally narrated by a person called Mr. Trinidado, that emerged the notion that Trinidad is the Land of the Hummingbird.




Sketches of Amerindian Tribes
1841–1843 by Edward Goodall.
“The ground heaved up, the Earth moved and the golden sands vanished. The golden pineapples, the sweetest, juiciest in the world, were gone, taking with them the new comers who had arrived on the wind from the Orinoco, a new tribal people who had come over the sea and who, with an astonishing rapaciousness, had decimated the singularly most beautiful object on the island.
The hummingbird became their object of game. The tiny creature was used by the newcomers for decoration—their iridescent feathers in startling blue, magenta, aquamarine, turquoise, yellow, green, and other shades no longer in existence, were turned in to hats and capes, wallets and walking sticks.
It is reported on the best authority that the Great Spirit of Trinidad, the “Land of the Hummingbird”, Iere, arose from his millennium slumber and moved. This move swallowed up the newcomers, plunging them into his very bowels, only to be regurgitated as a lake of steaming pitch. The First People have a story that after dying, the souls of the children of Iere return as hummingbirds, perhaps giving rise to the fable that this island is the Land of the Hummingbird.”

Two hummingbirds appear in chief on the coat of arms of Trinidad & Tobago and are prominent on the insignia of the Trinidad & Tobago Police Service and the defense forces of Trinidad & Tobago. They, as institutions of the state, protect us, the hummingbirds, as the great spirit of the island once did.
                                                         
Moriche palms at Waller Field, Trinidad.
The remarkable Moriche Palm was first documented by English navigator and poet Sir Walter Raleigh (1552-1618). In 1595, when he explored the coast of Trinidad and took its old capital, St. Joseph, Raleigh observed that it appeared that the tribal people had built fires in the palm tops. In fact, the Amerindians had strung their hammocks high between the tops of the Moriche Palms and had lit fires beneath for warmth and to drive away mosquitoes.
German naturalist and traveler Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), from a more scientific point of view, observed that the palm, called the “tree of life” by the tribal people, did in fact possess many life-sustaining qualities. The bark, for instance, contains a sago-like flour that may be used in various forms of cooking. The fruit is not only edible, but could be made, when fermented, into various sorts of drinks, some alcoholic, a sort of wine. From the large fan-shaped leaves a thin, ribbon-like pellicle is taken and rolled on the thigh or chest into a string.
From these strings, in some instances dyed into brilliant colours, hammocks were woven.

An  Amerindian  photographed in the 1890s
quite likely in Guyana for the travel book,
“Stark’s Guide and History of Trinidad.”
Humboldt collected yet another interesting creation myth when he asked the Tamanac Indians for an account of how the human race survived the great deluge that was known by them as the “age of water”. They said that “a man and a woman had saved themselves on a mountaintop called Tamanacu and, casting behind them over their heads the fruits of the Moriche Palm, they saw that the seeds contained in their roots produced men and women who re-peopled the earth”.

A creation myth (or cosmogonic myth) is a symbolic narrative of how the world began and how people first came to inhabit it.  While in popular usage the term myth often refers to false or fanciful stories, formally, it does not imply falsehood. Cultures generally regard their creation myths as true (the Bible, for instance). In the society in which it is told, a creation myth is usually regarded as conveying profound truths, metaphorically, symbolically and sometimes in a historical or literal sense. They are commonly, although not always, considered cosmogonical myths – that is, they describe the ordering of the cosmos from a state of chaos or amorphousness. (Source: Wikipedia.)


The Tribal People of Trinidad & Tobago

Moriche Palms are unique to this part of the world,
and found only in Trinidad and on banks of the
Amazon, the Rio Negro, and the Orinoco in South America.
The Moriche Palm was named “Mauritia flexuosa”
by Swedish naturalist Carl Linnaeus.

Fruit of the Moriche Palm. Herbarium , UWI
E.L. Joseph writing in the 1830s tells us . . . “that according to tradition and letters, preserved amongst old families in Trinidad there were two races inhabiting the island; they were called Aruacques, or, as the English write the word, Arawaaks, and Chimas. In another account to which he refers a warlike race of Indians, which he calls Caribes, but who called themselves Carina, Calina and Callingo, came from Florida, invaded the Windward Islands, exterminated the male inhabitants, and possessed themselves of their lands and women–hence the custom amongst the Caribe islands of the women and men speaking different languages. The Caribes were a bold  warlike race of Indians, and according to the concurrent testimony of many Historians, they were cannibals; in fact, the word cannibal is said to be a corruption of Caribe.
“The larger islands, that is to say, Haiti (St. Domingo), Cuba, Jamaica, Bariguen (Porto Rico), and Iere (Trinidad) – Cuba, Haiti and Jamaica retained their Indian names – were inhabited by less ferocious tribes. Perhaps, as it has been conjectured, the Caribes easily made themselves masters of the smaller islands by exterminating the male inhabitants, but could not obtain the mastery over the larger ones. This cannot be ascertained at present; but that the Caribes had no footing in Trinidad, may be learned from Las Casas. I am aware that the learned Humboldt is of the opinion that the tribe called Jaoi of Trinidad were a section of the Caribe family; yet I am rather inclined to follow older authorities and traditions, because it appears that such enmity existed between the Caribes and other races, that they never could have resided in the same island.”

A lithograph of Mount Tamana by M.J. Cazabon
where according to the First People the world was began anew after the great flood.
A romantic view of life in the high woods. Hahn 1983
Sketches of Amerindian Tribes
1841–1843 by Edward Goodall.

“Of the Arawaaks, and inhabitants of the larger islands generally,” E.L. Joseph continues, “ the friends and companions of Columbus give us a rather favourable report (vide P. Martye, Oviedo, Herrera, Las Casas, and Ferdinand Columbus). They were as fully advanced towards civilization as were the in habitants of the South Sea Islands during the time of Cook. They built commodious dwellings, manufactured vessels of clay, equal, according to Las Casas, to the best made in Spain; they had the art of spinning cotton into cloth, and were by no means destitute of agriculture ; they made canoes of surprising capacity; they made cordage and hammocks from fibers of the coco palm and other trees. Most of those who describe them during the first thirty years of the discovery  of these islands, speak highly of their mode of life, domestic economy, and general benevolence; but we should not allow the  exaggerations of the early travelers to deceive us; for after a long and to them dangerous voyage, they were apt to colour too lightly the joys of the savage state they beheld. That possessed  the art of weaving cotton into cloth, of dying the same beautifully, cannot be denied; but in general they went in a state of very near to nudity– the chiefs wearing only a short tunic, the rest merely a guayacco ; and according to Bartholomy Columbus, his father found the women of this island in ‘statu naturali’.
“Their diversions consisted of public and private dances ; the first was a kind of warlike amusement. Herrera says that 50,000 men and women used through the night to dance together, keeping time with wonderful precision; they accompanied them with historical songs; these entertainments were called ‘Arietoes’. “
(Note that in Mito Sampson’s account the word used by the Tribal People for joyous songs was “Carieto”).
An Amerindian burial photographed in the 1890s
quite likely in Guyana for the travel book,
“Stark’s Guide and History of Trinidad.”
E.L. Joseph writing in the 1830 when seminal records were still extant tells us that. . . “Their private dances were licentious – the dances of all peoples in a low state of civilization are licentious or warlike. Their musical instruments consisted of a rude drum and different sized conch shells.
“The rest of their diversions consisted of a game of ball played between two parties, called ‘Bato’. According to Oviedo, they displayed surprising agility in this game, frequently repelling the ball with the head, elbow, or foot.
“Their agricultural instruments consisted of a long picket of hard wood and a kind of rude spade of the same material, with these they cultivate manioc and maize.
“Their warlike implements consisted of a bow and arrow, the latter often dipped in poison of remarkable acuteness, Sometimes they used pieces of cotton at the end of their arrows; these were saturated with inflammable resinous matter, and when fired, served to burn their enemies’ village. By way of defensive armour, they had wooden shields–the shields, I believe, were peculiar to the Indians of Trinidad.
“Their governance was absolute. Their chief was called a Cacique: his dignity was hereditary, but did not descend from father to son, but the eldest child of the Cacique’s sister succeeded to his uncle state.”
This petroglyph is embedded in the upper flank of El Cerro del Aripo, at 940 metres (3,084 ft). It is the highest point in Trinidad. It speaks to us in a language long forgotten. Some petroglyphs might be as old as 40,000 years. Many hypotheses explain the purpose of petroglyphs, depending on their location, age, and subject matter. Some many be astronomical markers, maps, and other forms of symbolic communication, including a form of proto-writing. Petroglyph maps may show trails, symbols communicating time and distances traveled, as well as the local terrain in the form of rivers, landforms, and other geographic features. (Above. Photograph of a tribal person taken in Guyana in the 1900s. Below: From a photograph of the Aripo petroglyph taken by Tom Cambridge in the 1940s.)

“After his famous 1492 voyage of discovery, Christopher Columbus was commissioned to return a second time, which he did with a large-scale colonization effort which departed from Spain in 1493. Although the second journey had many problems, it was considered successful because a settlement was founded: it would eventually become Santo Domingo, capital of the present-day Dominican Republic. Columbus served as governor during his stay in the islands.
The settlement needed supplies, however, so Columbus returned to Spain in 1496.”

Historian and professor of literature Christopher W. Minster goes to tell us; “Columbus reported to the Spanish crown upon his return from the New World. He was dismayed to learn that his patrons, Ferdinand and Isabella, would not allow the taking of slaves in the newly discovered lands. As he had found little gold or precious commodities for which to trade, he had been counting on selling native slaves to make his voyages lucrative. The King and Queen of Spain allowed Columbus to organize a third trip to the New World with the goal of resupplying the colonists and continuing the search for a new trade route to the Orient.
Sketches of Amerindian Tribes 1841–1843 by Edward Goodall.

“Upon departure from Spain in May of 1498, Columbus split his fleet of six ships: three would make for Hispaniola immediately to bring desperately needed supplies, while the other three would aim for points south of the already explored Caribbean to search for more land and perhaps even the route to the orient that Columbus still believed to be there. Columbus himself captained the latter ships, being at heart an explorer and not a governor. Columbus’ bad luck on the third voyage began almost immediately. After making slow progress from Spain, his fleet hit the doldrums, which is a calm, hot stretch of ocean with little or no wind.
“Columbus and his men spent several days battling heat and thirst with no wind to propel their ships. After a while, the wind returned and they were able to continue. Columbus veered to the north, because the ships were low on water and he wanted to resupply in the familiar Caribbean. On July 31, they sighted an island, which Columbus named Trinidad. They were able to resupply there and continue exploring.
“For the first two weeks of August 1498, Columbus and his small fleet explored the Gulf of Paria, which separates Trinidad from mainland South America. In the process of this exploration, they discovered the Island of Margarita as well as several smaller islands. They also discovered the mouth of the Orinoco River. Such a mighty freshwater river could only be found on a continent, not an island, and the increasingly religious Columbus concluded that he had found the site of the Garden of Eden. Columbus fell ill around this time, and ordered the fleet to head to Hispaniola, which they reached on August 19.”

Christopher Columbus writes into his Ship’s Log:

(Discovery of Trinidad by Christopher Columbus 1498. Selected letters of Christopher Columbus by R.H. Major 1870, Hakluyt Society.)


Contrary to popular belief, the three ships
of Columbus’ squadron were not the Santa Maria,
Niña and Pinta (the flagship of the first voyage,
the Santa Maria having been wrecked
off Hispaniola in 1492). According to
historical sources, the ships of his third voyage
 of 1498 were the Guia (also referred to as El Nao),
the La Castilla (nicknamed Los Vaquenos) and the
Santa Maria de La Gorda (also known as El Correo),
these were the three ships of Columbus’
squadron when he visited these waters.
“I resolved therefore to keep on the direct westward course, in a line from Sierra Leone, and not to change it until I reached a point where I had thought I should find land where I could repair the vessels and renew, if possible our stock of provisions and take in what water we wanted.
At the end of seventeen days, during which Our Lord gave a propitious wind, we saw land at noon of Tuesday the 31st of July. This I had expected on Monday before and held that route up to this point ; but as the sun’s strength increased and our supply of water was falling, I resolved to make for the Caribee Islands and set sail in that direction ; when by the mercy of God which he has always extended to me, one of our sailors went up to the main-top and saw to the  westward a range of mountains. Upon this we repeated the “Salce Regina” and other prays and all of us gave thanks to Our Lord.
“I then gave up our northward course and put in for land; at the hour of complines we reached a cape which called Cape Galera, having already given to the island the name of Trinidad, and here we found a harbour which would have been excellent but there was no good anchorage. We saw houses and people on the spot and the country round was very beautiful and as fresh and green as the gardens of Valencia in the month of march.”
The three ships of Christopher Columbus
appear per chevron on the coat of arms
of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago.

Douglas Archibald in his historical account of Tobago, “Melancholy Isle”, tells us, “Christopher Columbus, during his third voyage of discovery, sighted the island of Kairi on the31st of July 1498, and he named it Trinidad. Several days later, on the 13th August,Columbus sailed away from the gulf of Paria and Trinidad, through the Grand Boca on a course that was east and north. Some time on that day, before changing that course for a westerly one, he sighted an island to the east and another one to the north : and he gave to the former the name of Assumption, while he called the latter Conception. Those are the islands that now know as Tobago and Grenada.
“In the early part of the 16th century, the explorers and adventurers who followed in the wake of Columbus, such as Ojeda,Vespucci and Juan de las Cosa, would refer to Tobago, on their charts, as Madalena, while they gave to Grenada the name Mayo.”
Over the following decades Dutch cartographers would increasingly use the word Tovaco or Tobago, said to be the name used for the implement in which a herb called cohiba was smoked for this island.
"Two of the chiefs who they took to be father and son, came forward in advance of the mass of people and conducted them to a very large house with facades and not round and tent like shaped as other houses were; in this house were many seats on which they were made our men sit down.”
In “History of Trinidad under the Spanish Government” by P.G.L. Borde we learn, “It occurred to Columbus to try the power of music on them, he had some popular Spanish dances performed on the deck of his ship to the accompaniment of voices and instruments. This met less success than previously for the islanders taking these demonstrations for signs of hostilities, fired off a flight of arrows at them. Columbus replied with a double discharge of crossbows.”
(Sketches of Amerindian Tribes 1841–1843 by Edward Goodall.)

The imagination of the age of Christopher Columbus was characterised by biblical geography, alchemical science and kabbalistic thought. These located the navel of the world in Jerusalem. This island, which Columbus called Trinidad, was in the minds of some a fictional place, a legendary place in the imagination of the Old World, a place of magical monsters: home Leviathan, the great denizen of the deep, where in its Gulf of Paria they did disport themselves.
The Admiral of the Ocean Sea came upon this island in 1498, he tasted the waters in its Gulf of Paria and found them sweet and possessed of the mammalian redolence of the Leviathan. “I have found Mar Dulce,” he wrote into the log of his flag ship, the Santa Maria de la Gorda, “the sweet sea, where the fresh water battles with the salt.”
The Republic (ca. 370-360 BC) by Plato - One of the earliest conceptions of a utopia. Ptolemy had written of the “Fortunate Isles”,  Sir Thomas More for his 1516 book Utopia, described a fictional island society in the south Atlantic Ocean off the coast of South America.
Christopher Colmbus named the ingress to, and egress from, the Gulf of Paria, with kabbalistic terminology Boca del Serpiente and Bocas del Dragon. The great expanse itself; Golfo de Ballina. He had seen them, Leviathan. The great whales, they formed his escort as he entered the gulf through the channel to the south as he sailed the furthest perimeter of the circumference of the world.

Sketches of Amerindian Tribes
 1841–1843 by Edward Goodall.
Dr. Arie Boomert, archaeologist, tells us that the imagination and the religion of the Tribal People could be characterized as deeply animistic. There was and is a common belief in a verity of nature spirits, sky, river and mountain deities. There is as well a belief in the spirit of nature, of the forest and the sky, as well as ghost spirits and shades of the dead. The people of the forest perceived a three-tiered universe. The earth, itself was this world and consisted of a vast flat circular disc surrounded by water at the center of which was the village. A huge boa constrictor or macajuel that bites its tail encircles this disc and is known as the ‘Snake of Being’.  The breath of this deity regulates the rising and the lowering of the tides. Below and above the earth, different, but similarly organized worlds are believed to exist: The Sky World and the Underworld. These are thought to represent the good world and the evil world. These worlds meet and interface as rainbows overarching towards the earth.  The central element, the axis mundi so to speak, the central structure that connects the various levels of this world view is formed by the ‘World Tree’, which is often seen as symbolized by the Silk Cotton tree, the tallest of trees in the forest.

A  zemi, from Daniel’s “West Indian History”.
Anthropologist Nicoletta Maestri relates that “. . . a zemí (also zemi, zeme or cemi) is a collective term in the Caribbean Taíno (Arawak) culture for “sacred thing”, a spirit symbol or personal effigy. The Taíno were the people met by Christopher Columbus when he first set foot on the island of Hispaniola in the West Indies.
To the Taíno, zemí was/is an abstract symbol, a concept imbued with the power to alter circumstances and social relations. Zemis are rooted in ancestor worship, and although they are not always physical objects, those that have a concrete existence have a multitude of forms.
The simplest and earliest recognized zemis were roughly carved objects in the form of an isoceles triangle (“three-pointed zemis”); but zemis can also be quite elaborate, highly detailed human or animal effigies embroidered from cotton or carved from sacred wood.”  E.L. Joseph writes that the tribal people believed in a plurality of gods– “the chief of them they called Jocahuna.”

He goes on to source Laet who said that the island of Trinidad was possessed by two parties of Indians: one called Cunucaras, under a chief called Buchumar ; the other called Chacumries, who obeyed a cacique named Maruane. In Daniel’s West Indian Histories we learn that when Antonio de Sedeno, the Treasurer of Porto Rico, was granted Trinidad and attempted to establish a settlement in 1530, some thirty two years after Columbus, the island was described as being divided into two provinces– that of the Chacomares, under a cacique called Maruana, in the south, and that of  Camucuraos, under Baucunar, in the north. The southern people were mild and friendly; and as Chacomer in  an Amerindian language means “sweet potato people”, it has been suggested that they were thus called in derision by the fierce Camucuraos, who repeatedly attacked the Spaniards and endevoured to drive them out. Later writers refer to the constant feuds between the two waring tribes in Trinidad, and frequent reference is made to the warlike Nepoyo  chieftain Hyarima, whose village was where Arima now stands. He it was who assisted the Dutch in their attack on St. Joseph in 1637.


 


Pierre-Gustave Louis Borde, in his “History of Trinidad under the Spanish Government” and citing Humboldt and Raleigh, tells us that “there were at least seven Amerindian tribes in Trinidad at the time of Columbus’ discovery, namely: the Aruacas, Chaimas, Tamanaques, Chaguanes, Salives, Quaquas and Carabibes; this latter tribe was further divided into four sub-tribes, the Nepoios, Yaios, Carinepagotos and Cumanagotos, the whole thus forming eleven separate bodies.
Nearly a century after the discovery, and in spite of the ravages caused by the Spanish privateers and the wars of the Conquistadores, Sir Walter Raleigh, during his short stay, found the Napoios, Aruacs, Salives, Yaios, Chaimas and Carinepagotos.
“The Tamanaques occupied the centre of the island. There is a small mesa or tepuy there of that name, the English term for which is tableland or table-top mountain. The word tepui means “house of the gods” in the native tongue of the Tribal People. These tend to be found as isolated entities rather than in connected ranges, which makes them the host of a unique array of endemic plant and animal species.  They are found in the Guiana Highlands of South America, especially in Venezuela and western Guyana, and in Trinidad. In Trinidad these may also be also seen at Naparima and at Montserrat in a smaller form. They mirror the most outstanding tepuis on the mainland. These great table-top mountains are the Neblina, Autana, Auyantepui and Mount Roraima. Auyantepui is the source of Angel Falls, the world’s tallest waterfall.”

Borde wrote in the 1850s-60s that “the Quaquas, according to Humboldt, crossed over to the continent with their neighbours the Salives.” He mentions “the Chaguanes, whose name a quarter of the western coast bears; the Pariagotos, a few of whom still exist; and the Cumanagotos, who lived on the eastern coast, since we find there a bay of that name. We arrived at a total of eleven tribes as above mentioned.
“When we remember that Sir Walter Raleigh only explored the south and west coasts of the island, it is reasonable to suppose that this number falls short of fact, and could be increased. The island must have been then well populated at the time of the discovery. Its population must have been at least 10,000 souls; it was divided into a great number of villages, situated  chiefly along the coasts and rivers. Although these different tribes have their own dialects, it seems that Carib was the dominant language in the country; it was spoken in the greater part of Guiana, along the northern coast of the South American continent, in the lower Orinoco and in the Lesser Antilles. It stood in the same relation as Italian does to the Latin languages, being distinguished from the other American dialects by the sparkle and great variety of its sounds; it is easily recognised by the frequent occurrence of vowels and of the syllable ‘car’. A great number of the Indian names which have been handed down to us like: Guaracara, Chacachacare, Tacarigua, Caroni, etc., bear this Carib characteristic.

“All the American dialects being closely allied, it is said that the Aruaca, Chaima, Salive, Quaqua experienced no difficulty in adding to the knowledge of the language of his childhood, that of the common language of the country. It was thus in old Europe, where for a long time a great centralisation and combination of nations took place, it often happened that the language spoken in infancy was not that spoken at a more advanced age.”

The First People of Trinidad & Tobago (Part II)

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Christopher Columbus approached the island that he would name for the Holy Trinity out of a
rolling Atlantic Ocean from the north-east. To persons sailing from Barbados, for example, who would want to enter the Gulf of Paria from the Serpent’s Mouth, Trinidad would appear at first, in the distance, as a long mountain chain, pale and blue, that stretched ever westward. As one dropped to a more southerly course,  another pale blue mountainous shape emerges on the horizon some way away from the first, and further south, a smaller range of hills would be seen. There would be a point in time when all three ranges, the northern, the central and the southern, separated by wide valleys, would appear on the horizon, joined at their bases by the land.
E.L. Joseph writes “Columbus rightly describes the north-eastern promontory of the island as resembling a galley under sail; hence he called it Punta de la Galera (Point of the Galley), which name it bears today. As he advanced towards the island from eastward, the three points which he first described in his log were doubtless Punta de la Galera, Point Manzanilla, and Point Guatare. He then coasted five leagues to the southward, where he anchored at night, doubtless in Manzanilla Bay. On the following day, the 1st of August, he passed what is now called Point Galiota, which is the southeast point of the island, and ran before the wind to the westward, along the channel,  in search of a convenient harbour and water.”
For close to three hundred years
Trinidad was under the rule of Spain
Columbus’ squadron entered the channel that lies between Trinidad and Venezuela, which is today named the Columbus Channel after  him, where it is said that the lookout, Alonzo Perez, reported that he saw three hills. Recalling that he had promised to name the next land he discovered after the Holy Trinity, he christened the island Trinidad.
Based on the location, it has been questioned as to whether Perez could have seen three separate peaks, presumably Morne Derrick, Gros Morne and Guaya Hill, as separate from the rolling mass of hillsides that comprise what we know today as the Trinity Hills.

Joseph continues, “Anchoring at a point, which he called Punta de la Playa, he sent his boats on shore for water. Here the seamen discovered an abundant limpid stream; this is conjectured to be the Marouga river.”
Columbus’ men came ashore at several points along the southern coast. Alarmed by the strength of the currents he called this entrance of the Gulf Boca de la Sierpa. He may have lost an anchor there, as one was found, some centuries later, that fitted the description of anchors from that time.
Before him lay the vast expanse of the Gulf of Paria, which he explored and named the Gulf of Whales, Gulfo de Balina. Never imagining that he had come upon the continent of South America, he called the vast coast from which a massive river, the Orinoco, flowed into the gulf, the Island of Gracia.
A16th century chart of
Trinidad & Tobago. Cambridge.
Columbus thought it perilous to pass between the Point of Paria and the small islands that appeared like stepping stones joining it to the island Trinidad that he called Boca del Dragon.
Columbus and his sailors would have been on the lookout for the evidence of gold, as this was foremost in the minds of those who had risked their lives on these perilous voyages. The first recorded evidence of seeing a golden object here in Trinidad was when he landed at Point Arenal. There, according to Joseph, he was met by an Indian Cacique, who took the Admiral’s cap of crimson velvet off his head and replaced it with a circle of gold that the he himself had worn.
The cupidity, or greed, of the Spaniards was aroused further by observing the great quantity of pearls that the Tribal People wore and the plates of inferior gold, shaped like a crescent, that was also worn. These were called ‘guanin’ or ‘caracol’ and consisted of eight parts gold, six parts silver, and eight parts copper. The Indians said these came from the high-lands, which, they pointed out, was to the west. They cautioned that it was dangerous to go into the interior of the land, the mainland, “either because,” writes Columbus, “the inhabitants were cannibals” or the place was infested “with noxious animals”.
The 15th and 16th centuries were to see explorers, adventurers and exploiters come to these islands.  As in the European wars of the period, payment, in fact profit, for these enterprises could only be had through the plundering of the conquered.

Carib carbet left open
to show hammocks.
Baccassaas with one mast.
Paddle.
Carib pirogue.
Caracol, a personal decoration
worn by men made of a
mixture of gold, silver and copper.
This was especially the case with the Spaniards who had fought the Moors for control of the Iberian peninsula for approximately 780 years, between the Islamic conquest of Hispania in 711 and the fall of the last Islamic state in Iberia at Granada to the expanding Christian kingdoms in 1492. The Reconquista was completed just before the European discovery of the Americas—the “New World”—which ushered in the era of the Spanish and Portuguese colonial empires.
It was the captains and the fighting men of  the Reconquista, Spanish for the “reconquest”, who were at the forefront of the conquest of the New World.  In ‘Companions of Columbus, Alonso de Ojeda’ we see,  “. . .Letters were received from Columbus giving account of the events of his third voyage, especially of his discovery of the coast of Paria, which he described as abounding in spices, in gold and silver, and precious stones, and, above all, in oriental pearls, and which he supposed to be the borders of that vast and unknown region of the east, wherein, according to certain learned theorists, was situated the terrestrial paradise. Specimens of the pearls, procured in considerable quantities from the natives, accompanied his epistle, together with a great sensation among the maritime adventures of Spain. . .”


On the night of the 2nd, according to E.L. Joseph (1838), “a remarkable swell occurred which alarmed the crews exceedingly.” This swell is occasioned by a change in the tide which causes water to rush into the Gulf of Paria. This current—later called La Remou—caused the anchor of the Vaquenos to be severed from its cable and it was lost. The soil at Icacos is mainly sand and silt deposited over thousands of years by the Orinoco floods, so the spot where the anchor was lost became dry land.
Christopher Columbus arriving in the New World. Daniel.

In 1877, labourers on Constance Estate unearthed a large anchor almost 200 feet from the shoreline. It was cleaned and exhibited by the estate owner, Francois Agostini, who sent it to fairs in Rome, Paris and Chicago, where it was positively identified as a bronze anchor of 15th-century Spanish origin, undoubtedly Columbus’. Upon its return to Trinidad, the anchor was proudly displayed on the estate, before being given to the Royal Victoria Institute (now the National Museum) in Port-of-Spain in 1912, where it was installed in the courtyard. In the 1920s, a devastating fire gutted the building, destroying many irreplaceable artefacts, but the anchor survived. When the museum was re-opened in 1928, the anchor was again a star attraction. It may still be seen today, sporting a length of its original chain and a brass plaque telling a little of its history. It is a proud connection with the great discoverer that few Trinidadians know exists.


The Conquistadors
The Gulf of Whales was colloquially
called the Gulf of Pearls,
and eventually the Gulf of Tears
for the hundreds of Tribal People
who died there having been made to dive for pearls.

The first attempt to settle the island of Trinidad  was mounted in 1513, when two Spanish Dominican missionaries arrived. Their names were Francisco Cordova and Juan Garces, and they were successful in befriending  the local Caciques, even though they didn’t know each other’s language.
When a Spanish ship arrived, the Tribal People, now used to the Spanish friars and trusting them, welcomed the sailors with tokens and gifts. A number of Amerindians were invited on board and no sooner had they arrived, that the captain raised anchor and  set sail for Santo Domingo, where they were sold into slavery.
The Spanish friars, as upset as the Amerindians, and just short of being lynched by the Tribal People, begged to be allowed to try to free the abducted. With the next ship to arrive, they sent their complaints to the authorities in Santo Domingo and to the superior of the Dominican order. Unfortunately, the Amerindians from Trinidad had been bought as slaves by officials of the supreme court, so nothing was done about the matter. For eight months, the Tribal People and the monks waited in Trinidad. Eventually, the Amerindians lost their patience and the friars were put to death, becoming the first martyrs of their faith in Trinidad.
In 1516, Juan Bono from the Bay of Biscay  arrived in Trinidad with 70 men. Ostensibly a peaceful settler, he won the trust of the Amerindians. After a while, Bono invited a large group of Tribal People to a feast of friendship. When everyone was gathered in a large hut, Bono’s men surrounded the hut, overwhelmed the gathering by force and abducted many of the Tribal People, taking them to their ship. The ones he could not fit into the hold were burnt to death inside the hut which was set on fire. Those aboard were sold as slaves in Puerto Rico.

Don Antonio Sedeño may be described as a conquistador and was the first governor of Trinidad
An encampment of Tribal People in the Windward Islands
in the 18th century from Brian Edwards’ “History” 
He arrived in Trinidad on November 8, 1530 with two caravels and seventy men. He was joined by the Cacique Turpiari and a small party of his native people. They first landed at Chacomare, the southern province, ruled by Marnana. Here they found an excellent port facing the gulf. This is believed to have been San Fernando.
His arrival in 1530 marked the first serious attempt by the Spanish Crown to settle in Trinidad after its discovery by Columbus some 32 years before.
Prior to, and during his tenure, sporadic visits had been made by Spanish captains, who had tricked or forced the Tribal People they came into contact with to dive for the pearls in the Gulf of Paria. In order to find enough pearl oysters,  the Indians were often forced to descend to depths of over 100 feet on a single breath, exposing them to the dangers of hostile creatures, waves, eye damage, and drowning, often as a result of shallow water blackout on resurfacing. This exploitation of the simple eventually led to their enslavement and the taking them away to the other pearl islands of Cubagua, Coche and Margarita. The death toll was  so horrendous that the Gulf of Whales became known as the Gulf of Tears.
Sedeño arrived in Trinidad in November 1530, with two caravels, 70 men, food, arms, horses, domestic animals and trinkets for barter with the Tribal People.

A drawing of Tribal People in the Orinoco
delta in the 1800s. Shim.
The Tribal People of Tobago, whose make up were not substantially different from their brothers in Trinidad, also had a dramatic encounter with Europeans. In the case of Tobago, which possesses the  unfortunate history of being the most fought over island in the Caribbean, the Tribal People’s existence from very early on was one of misfortune. Nevertheless we learn from archaeologists of their long and substantial presence there. Mention is made of an “Indian Town” and several villages that were marked on early maps as the residences of kings. These Caciques have been named as Cardinal, Peter and Roussel. Roussel may have been a Frenchman who married an Amerindian woman. In all, the native population of Tobago in the 18th century appears drastically diminished as a result of not only the invasions, but also because of the rapid agricultural development that took place all over Tobago. It is said that by 1779 King Peter and his people had all left Tobago for the mainland. Dr. Boomert tells us that Tobago, like Trinidad, held a tribal presence in what is called the archaic period, which is about twelve thousand years ago. Pottery, tools and other evidence of their presence may be found at Milford Bay. Later, other people left their mark at Golden Grove, Great Courland Bay, Lover’s Retreat, Sandy point and in other sites all around the island. Today a visit to King Peter’s Bay on the leeward coast would be a gentle remainder of a turbulent past.

The Amerindians did not resist him. Rather, they came to welcome him, with their Cacique Maruana as the leader. Sedeño distributed gifts, and Maruana made him understand that he would appreciate him as an ally against the Caribs.
Sedeño, who was, however, cautious, built a fortification for his men and his possessions. After a while, the Spaniards’ food stocks began to run out. They decided to raid the conucos (villages) of the Amerindians in the northern part of the island, at Cumucurapo, in the dead of night. When the Amerindians heard of this, they conspired to expel the intruders—all with the exception of Maruana, who had come to see himself as Sedeño’s friend and did not join the conspiracy.
The attack of the Amerindians was sudden, but the Spaniards were able to hold them off for a while thanks to their fortifications and firearms. After losing many soldiers, Sedeño decided to  retreat, sending the remaining men to the mainland and going himself to Puerto Rico for reinforcements and food. Maruana helped the Spaniards to escape in the two caravels in which they had arrived.
It was not as easy as expected for Sedeño to raise men and provisions in Puerto Rico. Everyone there had heard of the conflict with the Tribal People in Trinidad and was reluctant to join Sedeño. Over the next six years Sedeño travelled between Trinidad, the forts on the South American mainland, Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo. Fort Paria, which was where the remainder of the Trinidad soldiers had settled, was taken over by another Spanish conquistador, Diego de Ordas. Unbeknown to them, Sedeño sent a ship to Fort Paria with supplies. Fearful of de Ordas, the caravel turned away from the fort and landed instead in Cumucurapo. The Amerindians seemed to be welcoming enough, and gave the 30 men of the ship a place to settle. A week later, 24 of the sailors were killed by the Tribal People, who obviously did not trust the Spaniards. Six men escaped with the caravel and left to report to Sedeño.

The El Dorado or golden man being
overed with resin and sprayed with gold dust.
Taken from an old engraving redrawn by Peter Shim.
El Dorado, Spanish for “the golden one”, originally El Hombre Dorado (the golden man), or El Rey Dorado (the golden king), was the term used by the Spanish Empire to describe a mythical tribal chief of the Muisca native people of Colombia, who, as an initiation rite, covered himself with gold dust and submerged in Lake Guatavita. The legends surrounding El Dorado changed over time, as it went from being a man, to a city, to a kingdom, and then finally an empire. A second location for El Dorado was inferred from rumors, which inspired several unsuccessful expeditions in the late 1500s in search of a city called Manõa on the shores of Lake Parime. Two of the most famous of these expeditions were led by Sir Walter Raleigh. In pursuit of the legend, Spanish conquistadors and numerous others searched Colombia, Venezuela, and parts of Guyana and northern Brazil for the city and its fabulous king. In the course of these explorations, much of northern South America, including the Amazon River, was mapped. By the beginning of the 19th century most people dismissed the existence of the city as a myth. (Wikipedia)

At the end of 1532, Sedeño sailed once again to Trinidad with 80 men with a plan to attack the Amerindians. The Tribal People, however, had been warned of the night attack, and fought fiercely. However, Sedeño eventually overwhelmed them,  leaving merely a handful of women and children in Cumucurapo, who fled into the mountains. Nothing was left of the village, and having no provisions, Sedeño withdrew to Margarita. A year later, Sedeño returned with 170 men with the intention to conquer and settle Trinidad. The Spaniards built a stockade at Cumucurapo. Many of his men fell ill, and even though he suspected another attack, Sedeño could only rely on the food supplies from the Cacique Maruana, so he decided to wait.
On the 13th September 1533, the second battle of Cumucurapo began. The  tribes swept down from the mountains with loud battle cries. Many Spaniards were killed, and the Indian attack was only broken up when the Spaniards counter-attacked on horseback (a sight totally unknown and surely quite terrible to the Indian warriors).
Sedeño prevailed, rebuilt the fortifications, and motivated the remaining men. Several months later he was forced to give up,  as many of his captains left to seek the riches of Peru with Pizarro. On the 27th August, 1534, Sedeño left Trinidad and never returned.
Sir Walter Raleigh, in search of El Dorado,
captured the island of Trinidad
from the Spanish Governor Don Antonio de Berrio.
After his victory over the Spanish forces,
Raleigh set free the five Caciques
who had been put into irons by de Berrio.
Their names were Wanawanare, Caroaori,
Maquarima, Torropanama, and Aterima.
Like many others he was  to be taken in by the legend of El Dorado and after gathering yet another following, he set out for the South American mainland in search of gold. Sedeño was poisoned in 1538 ‘down the Main’ by a Carib slave girl. Thus died Trinidad’s first designated governor.
The legend of a golden man who ruled a city of gold had its origins in the tales told by the earliest travellers and explorers who had heard from the Tribal People of fabulous cities far into the deep forest of the mainland, or Terra Firma as it was called. These stories gained  traction as the news of the success of the conquistadors, Cortes and Pizzaro, in Mexico and Peru became known. The idea that a third great, rich and vulnerable empire lay somewhere in the higher reaches of the Orinoco river became an obsession in the minds of many.
This was to shape the future of Trinidad and have a deadly effect on the Tribal People of Iere. Trinidad became the launching-pad for expeditions of no return. Don Antonio Sedeño’s tenure as governor was followed by Don Juan Ponce who arrived in 1571. His stay was short as he was met with hostility.  He suffered the loss of most of his men as a result of illness and the attacks by the Tribal People on his encampment at Cumucurapo. Nevertheless his tenure as governor of Trinidad lasted until 1591.
The third Conquistador, Don Antonio de Berrio y Oruña, inherited from his wife María de Oruña, the maternal niece of the adelantado Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada, his many estates in what is now Venezuela. This included properties in Trinidad. He was appointed governor here in Trinidad in 1592 and held this title until his death 1597. His goal in life was to discover the fabulous city of El Dorado. He established the town of San José de Oruña on the banks of the Caroni river, as Port-of-Spain was little more that a fisherman’s hamlet in which lived Tribal People who had survived the depredations of the recent past. San José de Oruña was de Berrio’s base camp for the several expeditions mounted in his quest to find El Dorado, which he of course never did.
Upon his death in 1597 he was succeeded by his son Fernando who, like his father, quested for El Dorado. On these journeys, first to Trinidad and then into the vast and intractable interior of the South American hinterland, their obsession for gold and their cruelty to the Tribal People was met, at times, with terrible revenge.

Tribal People pouring molten gold into the mouths of a conquistador. Re-drawn by Peter Shim from an early 16th century engraving by de Bry. At first the Tribal People thought the Spaniards immortal, until a Cacique by the name of Brayoan decided to have one drowned. After submerging him for some time, they pulled the drowned man out of the water and, still unconvinced of his mortality, offered apologies for their actions. When after several days the body proved putrefied, they were convinced that the strangers were mortal men like themselves, they readily entered into a general conspiracy to destroy them. (Washington Irvin, companion of Columbus)
E.L. Joseph tells us in his “History of Trinidad” that, “On hearing of the resistance of the Indians of Trinidad, the King of Spain summoned a Junta of Clergy and Professors of Theology, and put the question to them whether he could lawfully make slaves of the Indians of Trinidad. This learned body declared that it was lawful for the King for the King to make war on the Indians of Trinidad as well as on the Carib Indians, because the former were idolaters and enemies of the Christians, and had killed several subjects of his Catholic Majesty. The pious junta kept out of view, or were probably not aware of the miseries inflicted on the poor Indians of Trinidad by those Christians who used the land for the purpose of enslaving its inhabitants. It is lamentable that the Aborigines of Trinidad had no advocate–the venerable Las Casas could not be everywhere.”
Bartolomé de las Casas, 1484–1566, was a 16th-century Spanish historian, social reformer and Dominican friar. He became the first resident Bishop of Chiapas, and the first officially appointed “Protector of the Indians”. His extensive writings, the most famous being ‘A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies’ and ‘Historia de Las Indias’, chronicle the first decades of the Spanish colonisation of the West Indies and focus particularly on the atrocities committed by the colonisers against the indigenous peoples. Professor Bridget Brereton in “Book of Trinidad” tells us that “With the foundation of San José de Oruña, St Joseph, in 1592, Trinidad had been given the formal structure of a Spanish colony.” Little is actually known about the condition of the Tribal People in the decades that follow the arrival of the conquistadors and slave raiders. It was believed at the time that “the conversion of the Indians is the principal foundation of conquest.”
Dr. K.S. Wise of the Trinidad Historical Society tells us in the foreword to “Hyarima and the Saints’”, a play by F.E.M. Hosein (1976),  that “The old historical records still in existence give full sanction for the existence of the great Nepuyo Cacique, Hyarima, for his failure to obtain armed assistance from the Dutch at Tobago in 1636, for the deep desire to rid Trinidad of the hated Spaniards and for placing his village on the site now occupied by the town of Arima.” The Arena massacre or Arena uprising took place in 1699 at the mission of San Francisco de los Arenales in east Trinidad. It resulted in the death of several hundred Amerindians, of several Roman Catholic priests connected with the mission of San Francisco de los Arenales, of the Spanish Governor José de León y Echales, and of all but one member of his party.
The Tribal People were pursued by the Spaniards who overtook them at Comcal and drove them to Cocal. Many dived into the sea in preference to being captured. Eighty-four rebels were captured and sixty-one of them were shot. The surviving  Tribal People were interrogated via torture. Many of the tortured revealed that they were often beaten by the priests for not attending church services. The twenty two identified as ringleaders were hanged on 14th January, 1700, at San José de Oruña, the capital of the colony, and their dismembered bodies displayed. The women of the tribe were distributed among the Spanish households as servants.

A Carib coulecure or manioc strainer with weight hung on it.

Carib pannier or basket.

A Carib mace or club.




The Mission in Arima in 1837, drawn by Captain Wilson. Founded in 1757 by the Capuchins of Aragon province of Spain as an Indian mission, it was dedicated to the first of the New World saints, Santa Rosa de Lima. The Tacarigua, Caura and Arouca missions were placed under the guidance of Padre Reyes Bravo, who later rose to the position of vicar of Trinidad.
The Encomiendas 
By the 1650s the Tribal People of Trinidad were being parceled out in encomiendas. The encomienda was a labour system, rewarding conquerors, conquistadors, with the labour of a specified number of natives from a specific community, with the indigenous leaders in charge of mobilising the assessed tribute and labour. The Spanish encomenderos were to take responsibility for instruction in the Christian faith, protection from warring tribes, suppressing rebellion against Spaniards, protection against pirates, instruction in the Spanish language and development, and maintenance of infrastructure. In return, the natives would provide tributes in the form of metals, maize, wheat, pork or any other agricultural product. In the first decades of the Spanish presence in the Caribbean, Spaniards divided up the natives, who in some cases were worked relentlessly.
The old Spanish families in Trinidad, that is, those dating back to the time of the conquistadors, had been granted large tracts of land in which villages had been established. The first encomiendas were Acarigua, San Juan, Arauca, Arouca, Tacarigua and Caura. An excerpt from a report by Don Domingo de Vara to the Spanish king in 1595 says: “The Indians for their labour will gain instruction in the matters of Our Holy Faith and shelter and protection, as though our children, so that they may recognise and appreciate the great work which our Commander does in bringing them to the obedience and protection of His Majesty. From this, those who wish to go will learn that we intend to populate these lands and not to depopulate them; to develop them and not to exploit them; to control them and not to destroy them. Those who do not accept this are warned that they will suffer the anger of God who has clearly shown that those who rob and maltreat the Indians, perish in the land they try to desolate, and their riches, acquired by deceit and tyranny, are lost in the sea and their families perish and are forgotten.”
Brereton tells us, “Outside of the encomiendas, where some six hundred Indians may have been living in 1712, there were many more living in the forest in independent settlements.  To bring these ‘wild Indians’ under Christen influence and Spanish control, Capuchin missionaries were given the task of converting them between 1687 and 1708, and they established mission settlements, some of which survived as Indian villages well into the 1700s. The missions of the Catalan Capuchin priests (1687-1708) were at Acarigua, Tacarigua, Arouca, Arena, Montserrat, Savonetta, Mayaro, Guayaguayare, Naparima, Savana Grande, (Princes Town), and Maruga. Those of the Aragon Capuchin priests of Santa Maria (1758-1837) were at Port-of-Spain, Toco, Arima, Salabia, Matura, Acarigua, Tacarigua, Montserrat, Savonetta, Naparima, Savana Grande (Princes Town), and Siparia. The missions were abolished in 1708 and the encomiendas in 1716, but by then the great majority of the island’s Indians had become ‘Hispanised’; that is Christian, Spanish speaking, and organised into villages under some control of the church, of the Government, and of Spanish settlers who used them as laborers on the estates. By 1765 Trinidad’s population was estimated at 2,503, with 1,277 of these Christianised Indians.” And from Dr  K.S. Wise we learn (op.cit.), “So also the historical records attest that Nepuyo Indians were collected in 1784 from Tacarigua, Caura and Aruca and added to the Mission at Arima under their own Corregidors,  that this Mission became the principal one in the north where the devotion and unceasing labours of the Fathers brought to these Carib Indians the spiritual advantages of divine origin”.

The Cocoa Pañols
In Daniel Hart’s “Historical and Statistical Review of Trinidad”, the Tribal People’s presence averages between 1,200 to 1,500 persons between 1797 and 1817,  with a high point of 1,804 in 1812. Then there is a steady decline to 571 in 1836, with none recorded by 1861.
There is evidence, however, such as in the writings of Dr. Pedro Valerio, who wrote in the 1900s, that shows that there was intermarriage and or miscegenation between the remnant Tribal People and other persons of various backgrounds. His father, he tells us was a mixture of European and  Indian and his mother was of mixed Carib and African descent. 
There are as well oral traditions collected by my father, Joseph Besson and myself. Joseph lived  at Arima at Mauxica estate in the 1930s and after, and knew of the Carib community at Calvary Hill, and of the existence of several families who were of almost pure Carib descent living in Arima and its environs in the 1950s. Their relatives lived and worked on the cocoa estates on the north coast of Trinidad and were in contact, on a regular basis, with relatives in Venezuela. (This separate from the annual visits of the Warro people to Maruga). In fact, the Venezuelan connection between people with Carib ancestry and what would become an important aspect of the island’s agricultural economy in the latter part of the 19th century, the cocoa economy, is of interest to the historian. The emergence of cocoa as an important crop has a great deal to do with the lingering First People’s presence and their “Down the Main” connections.
Cocoa is indigenous to the new World and had always been cultivated in Spanish Trinidad. But around 1850 it was quite insignificant as an export crop. Its take off into a period of rapid expansion can be dated to around 1870 .
As Dr. Brereton tells us in The Book of Trinidad, “ As eating chocolate, and cocoa as a beverage became items of mass consumption in the industrilised countries; demand for cocoa in Europe and North America expanded tremendously, and this was the most important single reason for the expansion of cocoa in Trinidad.” The opening up of Crown Lands facilitated this, but it was the people, the mixture of Carib and other races, who would become known as Cocoa Panoles, who would be the actual pioneers of this important addition to the local economy of the time. The most common method employed by a great many planters, most of them in this period were French Creoles, was to get a grant of Crown lands and to allow a Cocoa Panole farming family with experience of cultivating cocoa, often with Venezuelan connections, where the crop was grown, to start cultivating it in the high woods. The clearing of the forest in such a manner that the correct mixture shade and light, moisture and protection from the vagaries of the weather, would over a period of some six to eight years, form the core of what would become a cocoa estate. This was the job that was given to this group. In such a manner communities were formed around the estates in the valleys of the northern range, central and deep south which would eventually become villages.  The demand for the high quality bean grown in Trinidad would remain high. Exports had averaged around eight million lbs. a year in 1871-80 ; by the decade 1911-20 they averaged fifty-six million lbs per annum, a seven fold increase. The return of the  original natives to Trinidad, now more or less mixed with other races, Hispanised, that is Christian and Spanish speaking, would become an important element of the overall population. They would revive the Spanish / Carib traditions in festivals such as parang at Christmas and breath a new life into the Santa Rosa celebrations at Arima. But most importantly they would stay close to the land and not forget from whence they sprung.



The Antique Saints of Trinidad
Our Lady of Montserrat
(Cambridge - Paria Archives)
Probably the oldest and most valuable statues that Trinidad possesses are rare devotional figurines dating from Spanish times. Few genuine relics survive from Trinidad’s Spanish period. One of them is to be found in the church dedicated to Our Lady of Montserrat.
This little wooden figure of the Blessed Virgin Mary, known as the ‘Black Virgin’, is said to be a copy of a statue of Our Lady in a shrine in Montserrat, Spain.
“In Tortuga, the ‘Black Virgin’ is placed in a side chapel reserved for its veneration,” writes Sister Marie Therese in her excellent book Parish Beat. “People come from all parts of Trinidad to pray at her feet, beseeching favours. At a date close to September 8th, her feast is celebrated. No one knows, really, when the little wooden figure of the ‘Black Virgin of Montserrat’ was brought to Tortuga, but it is presumed that it came through  a Capuchin missionary from Spain.”
It is interesting to note that the earliest missionaries, the Catalan Capuchin priests, first arrived in 1687. The last Aragon Capuchin came in 1758. This serves to give an idea of the age of the ‘Black Virgin of Montserrat’.
Another remarkable figure of veneration is that of La Divina Pastora at Siparia. Sister Marie Therese relates in her “Parish Beat”: “Siparia was one of the missions of the Spanish Capuchins who came from the Santa Maria province of Aragon in 1756–1758. Devotion to the divine shepherdess is centuries old, originating in Spain. It is said that in 1703 Our Lady appeared to a Capuchin known as the Venerable Isidore. In this visitation he was instructed to spread devotion to her under the title of ‘Our Lady, Mother of the Good Shepherd’. This devotion was introduced in Venezuela in 1715 and the first church was built in her honour in an Amerindian mission.”
The date  of when the devotion to her was introduced to Trinidad is not known. There is, however, a parish record that states that the statue of La Divina Pastora was brought from Venezuela to Siparia by a Spanish priest, who said that the statue had saved his life. This record dates from 1871.
The statue may well be over 100 years older than that date. Perhaps it had travelled from Spain to Venezuela in 1715, perhaps it had been taken into safekeeping by the priest in those turbulent years of Venezuela’s past revolutionary period, when much of the church property was destroyed in the wars.
Santa Rosa de Lima was canonised in 1671. She was born in Peru of Spanish parents and became a nun in the Dominican order. She devoted her life to the sick and the destitute, and is remembered even today by the tribal people of the high Andes.
La Divina Pastora (Cambridge - Paria Archives)
In 1757, the Capuchins of Aragon founded a mission at Arima and dedicated their work to this first New World saint, Santa Rosa. Some 30 years later, this mission was enlarged to accommodate the tribal people who had been displaced from Tacarigua, Caura and Arouca.
Dating from an early period, a figure said to be that of the saint was brought to the church. It had been discovered by villagers in the high woods, and has been the focus of veneration ever since.
Sister Marie Therese records the words of Fr. Thomas:
“In 1813, the youthful [Governor of Trinidad] Sir Ralph Woodford attended the Santa Rosa festival. On this joyous occasion, the church is decorated. During the service, a cannon was discharged at intervals. At the end of the mass, ceremonial dances were performed in the church to the accompaniment of the cuatro and the chac-chac. The four leading Caribs of the mission bore the statue in procession, immediately followed by the Carib queen, who was dressed like a bird of paradise.”
According to L.A.A. de Verteuil (“Trinidad”), the king and the queen of the Caribs in the early 19th century were usually young people. The church was elaborately decorated with produce, and people came from afar to view the ceremonies.

Map of Missions in Trinidad (from "Parish Beat" by Sr. Marie Therese)

The Trinidad and Tobago Police Service

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St. James Barracks in the 1850s. M.J. Cazabon

The Trinidad & Tobago Police Service is the oldest public institution in Trinidad & Tobago.
The Spanish presence in Trinidad
was to last from 1498 to 1797
Founded in 1592 under the Spanish government, it has served this country for some four hundred and twenty-five years. Except for a brief three-year period between 1839 to 1841, when it was disbanded so as to be re-organised, the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service has been on continuous duty.
Its origins date from the time of the third Spanish Governor of Trinidad, the conquistador, Don Antonio de Berrio y Oruña (1592-1597), who founded San José de Oruña, the first capital of Trinidad. He appointed Senor Josef Nunez Brito to the office of Alguacil Mayor, he was the first Chief of Police.  This was a very long time ago: this was when Sir Walter Raleigh visited the Pitch Lake, 1592 was the birth year of Shah Jahan, the 5th Mughal Emperor of India, famous for the building of the Taj Mahal, and when Queen Elizabeth I reigned in England.
The Police Service has served faithfully three countries and three governments: the Spanish, the British and that of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. It has functioned under The Spanish Colonial Code, called The Laws of the Indies, whose various codes were the laws of Trinidad up to 1849, under British Martial Law during the British military administrations of Colonel Picton and Generals Hislop and Munro, 1797–1813,
The Spanish fleet on fire,
blockaded by the British Fleet
in Chaguaramas Bay in 1797.
and during the period when Trinidad was placed under the control of commissioners, Colonel Fullarton, Colonel Picton and Commodore Samuel Hood R. N., 1803–1804. And presently, under the laws of the Republic Trinidad and Tobago.
For the majority of the Spanish period, 1492 – 1797, Trinidad was a virtual desert island, in that it was slowly depopulated of its original native inhabitants while never actually developed by its coloniser, Spain.
Tobago during this period, the late 16th century to the beginning of the 19th century, was an often fought-over territory that was controlled by local militias and troops stationed there to protect the property and interest of the various European governments who, at one time or the other, controlled the island.
In spite of having a very small population, Trinidad never lost its Spanish presence. There was always a Spanish governor, as it formed a part of the Vice-Royalty of New Granada.  There were thirty-seven Spanish governors from 1530 to 1797. There was as well a civil administration, who were in charge of the police. This was the Illustrious Cabildo, a form of town council, in place at the island’s capital San José de Oruña and in later years in Port-of-Spain. We are told by historian Carlton Ottley that during this period there were never more than six policemen in Trinidad. The fundamental change that took place in Spanish Trinidad was the promulgation of the Cedula for Population of 1783. This saw the arrival of colonists, mostly from the French islands of the Caribbean, who introduced chattel slavery to Trinidad on an industrial scale.
Trinidad, from the start of the French Revolution of 1789 to the conquest of the island by the English in 1797, experienced a period of civil upheaval, public disorder verging on anarchy and the threat of foreign invasion.
The Spanish governors of the day,  Dons Martin de Salaverria and José María Chacón, controlled just a few soldiers along with the handful of policemen under an Alguacil Mayor. Carlton Ottley tells us in his ‘A Historical Account of the Trinidad & Tobago Police Service 1592–1972,’ that to deal with violent crime and civil disorder,  “. . .the Spanish Governor Don José María Chacón appointed a number of influential planters as honorary commissioners or corregidors (A corregidor was a local administrative and judicial official in Spain and in its overseas empire. They were the representatives of the royal jurisdiction over a town and its district.) As administrators of local government, these corregidors were charged with the duties of policing their respective districts, being specifically instructed ‘to take cognizance of all robberies, quarrels and disorders which may be caused, by prosecuting and apprehending vagabonds, as well as those who seduce the slaves and hid fugitives by finding work for them on their estates.’’’


Brigadier General Sir Thomas Picton,
governor of Trinidad 1797 – 1803
With the English conquest of Trinidad in 1797 and the appointment of Colonel Thomas Picton, a Welshman, as governor, the nature of policing in Trinidad changed again, this time radically.
Military historian, Lieutenant Commander Gaylord Kelshall, in whose memory this article is writen, tells us in his captions to the Police Museum on St. Vincent Street, “When the invading British troops of Sir Ralph Abercromby departed Trinidad in 1797, they left Colonel Thomas Picton with very few regular soldiers with whom to defend the island. Picton decided on an offensive/defense strategy to hold the island against the dissident Spanish residents, Spanish troops who collected in Caracas, Cumana, Guiria and Angostura, and French Republicans who were supported by a fleet of privateers operating in the Gulf of Paria under the command of  the mulatto ship’s captain Jean Bedeau.”
Because of his soldiers’ predilection to tropical diseases and rum, Picton put his few European troops into garrison and relied on black troopers seconded from Colonel Drualt’s Guadeloupe Rangers, the 9th West India Regiment, who had been fighting Victor Hugues in Guadeloupe, and from Lieutenant-Colonel Gaudin de Soter’s Royal Island Rangers, the 10th West India Regiment, to form the core of Picton’s Royal Trinidad Rangers.


Lieutenant-Colonel Gaudin de Soter“A company was raised by my son under the direction of general Abercrombie, and left to the order of general Picton, for the purpose of aiding in the preservation of tranquility in the colony”. (From de Soter’s testimony at Picton’s trial.) Gaudin de Soter was a French Royalist officer who had joined the British in the fight against French revolutionary forces in the Caribbean. 
His Royal Island Rangers, later the 10th West India Regiment, comprised of Free Black and Coloured men, were placed under the command of Governor Thomas Picton by General Abercromby. This contingent became the core of what would evolve to be the Trinidad and Tobago Police Force.

Historian, Roger N. Buckley, in his ‘Early History of the West India Regiments’ tells us that “Apparently most of the first recruits for these corps were free blacks and free mulattoes. Many of the officers were French and the pay of these corps was the same as for British regiments. Among these corps were Soter’s Royal Island Rangers, which was raised in Martinique, and Drualt’s Guadeloupe Rangers.’” Thus the precedent for the recruitment of West India Regiment soldiers into the Trinidad Police Force was set.
The six-pointed star was appropriated
by the Trinidad Police Force
and the Trinidad Militia in 1802
These recruits also operated his sloop of war, the H.M.S. Barbara, as Picton’s Marine Police Force. Picton’s police, the Royal Trinidad Rangers, a composite of the above, comprised a uniformed element who patrolled the town of Port-of-Spain and paid particular attention to the waterfront, as well as a secret service, who operated in Trinidad and Venezuela. These early irregular troops, navy, and police were paid out of Picton’s private funds until 1802, when they were granted official recognition. During this period, Picton’s Royal Trinidad Rangers took to wearing, as a badge, a six-pointed star which they identified with Picton’s patron saint, St. David of Wales, as their own emblem. In 1802, the six pointed star became the official badge for both the Militia and Police, which is still used today. Shako plates and gorgets, once part of the uniform of the Militia, dating from 1802 to 1842, exist in the Military Museum in Chaguaramas.
The police under Picton enforced British martial law supported by the Spanish Laws of the Indies with draconian effect. There were public executions, torture in the Royal Gaol, public floggings and mutilations inflicted on criminals and on those suspected of sabotage.
Brigadier General Sir Thomas Picton, as he was to become, was the founder of the modern Trinidad and Tobago Police Service. The use of the six-pointed star as a cap badge for locally commissioned officers only, was continued in the First Division until 1938-39, when under the command of Colonel Walter Angus Muller, the first Commissioner of Police, it was introduced to all ranks as a cap badge. British officers who were assigned to the Trinidad Police used the cap badge and other insignia of their regiments.
Picton’s successors, Brigadier-General Sir Thomas Hislop, 1804-1811 and Major-General William Monro, 1811-1813, imposed law and order to control the still unruly populace. Their most constant preoccupation, apart from invasion by Republican France, was the possibility of slave uprisings on the estates, as resistance, by the enslaved had been the trigger for rebellion in other islands.
This was a genuine concern, because with the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, the planters, fearing that their supply of free labour was going to end sooner rather than later, worked the chattel slaves cruelly and in many instances to death in an attempt to recoup their investment and make a profit.
The Orange Grove Barracks on Charlotte Street
was built in 1804; it is now the General Hospital in Port-of-Spain.
The Orange Grove Barracks, now the General Hospital, and Fort George were built during the tenure of Governor Hislop in 1804–11.  Fort George to defend the harbour and to offer safe haven to the citizens and Orange Grove Barracks to house regiments stationed here during the period of the Napoleonic wars (1803–1815).


A census published in Lionel Fraser’s ‘History of Trinidad’, taken in 1803, shows that the enslaved population stood at twenty-eight thousand men, women and children. There were six hundred and sixty-three English persons, five hundred and five Spaniards, and one thousand and ninety-three French persons. There were five hundred and ninety-nine English-speaking Free Blacks and People of Colour, one thousand seven hundred and fifty-one free Spanish persons of mixed heritage, and two thousand nine hundred and twenty-five mulattoes of French origin who were Free Blacks and People of Colour. (This was a legal definition under the Cedula for Population of 1783.)
This made up a free population of seven thousand five hundred and thirty-six, with the Free Black and People of Colour being in the majority.


Sir Ralph Woodford Bart. 
Governor Sir Ralph Woodford, 1813-1829, was the colony’s first civil governor. In much the same manner that Woodford brought out from England civil engineers, botanists, architects and other professionals to create the foundations for the institutions that we know today, he also recruited a cadre of men who would form the nucleus of the new British police establishment in Trinidad. Woodford’s Chief of Police, his Alguacil Mayor, appointed in 1823, was James Meany, his Assistant Chief was H.G. Peak. Alexander Sandy, corporal, John McCarthy, B. Vazquez, Peter Stevens, Michael Christie, James Stephens, and Peter McDonald, constables. To these were added, as historian Carlton Ottley tells us, “The handful of policemen, recruited for the most part from Barbados.”


With the emancipation of the enslaved throughout the British Empire in 1838 a new dispensation for the civil society of Trinidad and Tobago commenced. This necessitated the disbanding of the previous policing regime, ending the authority of the corregidors, and a reorganisation of the police establishment in the colony. On the 13th of August, 1838, an ordinance to establish a rural system of police was proclaimed. This new ordinance created new police districts, excluding Port-of-Spain. They were St. Joseph, Eastern district, Carapichaima district, Naparima district and a Southern district.
The reorganisation of the police, by the end of 1842 saw the creation of the posts of inspector, two sub-inspectors, one in Port-of-Spain and another in San Fernando, ten sergeants and seventy-two constables. There were now twelve police stations. Reflecting the society, indeed the western world at the time, that was convinced of the superiority of the Europeans, all commissioned officers were British.



The West India Regiments formed on the 24 April 1795 
became  an integral part of the regular British Army.  
In 1856, the West India Regiment of the British army switched 
its attire to a uniform modelled on that of the French Zouaves. 


An event that would change the make up of the population of the colony was the arrival of indentured East Indians. The newcomers, arriving from 1845 to 1917 to work on the sugarcane estates, were at first hardly noticed, but would become an object of interest to the commanders of the Force in the years following the Indian Army Mutiny of 1857 that was made infamous by stories of massacres of English people and the notorious Black Hole of Calcutta. It was believed by the authorities that the East Indians, who were almost entirely sequestered on the cane estates, could somehow become aroused and moved to violence on a mass scale.

Recruitment for the police was a pressing problem in the 1840s. There was a reluctance in the local population to enlisting in the Force. This may have dated from Spanish times, there was, as well, the living memory of Picton’s police methods, and a lack of prestige associated with the job itself. This stemmed from the low pay that attracted ne’er-do-wells and the nature of the duties policemen were called upon to perform by the authorities. These ranged from dog and rat catcher to sanitary inspector, to turnkey, postman and fireman and a range of other duties, some of which were considered by the Creole population in general to be demeaning. Beyond that there was the problem of language: the vast majority of local men in the 1840s-70s were French Patois-speaking, while the officers were English, and quite apart from that, there was the difficulty that many locals experienced with enforced discipline. They were simply not accustomed to it. Governor Sir Henry McLeod wrote, “It has been thought that we might procure men from England or Ireland at a cheaper rate, but my experience tells me that any attempt of that kind would be unsuccessful, as, if a number of men were brought out for the purpose, more than half would be in hospital with delirium tremens within six months.”
Cheap rum and tropical diseases did take a toll on the inexperienced. In the end, several members of the Metropolitan police were brought to Trinidad, along with two constables, and eventually, as Ottley records, “more Barbadians were recruited”, the thinking being that they were mostly taller and were Protestant, they spoke and understood English, as did the British officers and Regimental Sergent Majors who drilled and trained them.”


Rioting outside the forerunner of the Red House in 1849.
The fear of the inability of the police to control and contain social upheavals that could readily become riotous and destructive was brought home to the authorities on the 1st of October 1849 when, as reported in the Port-of-Spain Gazette, that on that day “a considerable crowd of Trinidadians, composing people of the lowest order, assembled in front of the Government Buildings (later the Red House). They were there to resist the introduction of an obnoxious clause in the gaol regulations recently introduced, which had been passed by the Legislative Council; and which, among other things, provided that debtors committed under the petty civil courts ordinance should have their hair cropped close, and wear a prison dress,
Police Headquarters, also referred to as the Depot,
St Vincent St., Port-of-Spain, built 1876.
and assist in gaol work.” This was a time of considerable poverty and indebtedness in the colony as a result of the end of slavery. This proposed ordinance resulted in some three thousand people converging on the Government Buildings. It soon became apparent that the police on duty, in and around the building, could not possibly control the crowd that was becoming hostile. Their demands that the obnoxious clause be repealed, it was felt by them, was being deliberately ignored by an unfeeling authority. Soon stones were hurled at the building and a crowd of “mischievous persons started to annoy the police, and pelt them with stones. The Riot Act was read, the order to fire was given, four of the five muskets were discharged, and four persons fell wounded, three women and a lad; the latter and one of the former subsequently died.” The Port-of-Spain Gazette described that in spite of the police opening fire, the crowd
A police sabre that carries V.R. on the guard
and the police star commemorating
Governor Picton’s patron saint St David of Wales
on the blade indicates that during the reign
of Queen Victoria 1838–1901
the police stare was in use in Trinidad.
continued to attack the police. During the night other buildings were attacked and buildings on sugar estates in the environs of the town set ablaze. The governor, Lord Harris, understanding that the police could not deal with the escalating situation, called in the 88th Regiment, and a company of the 2nd West India Regiment from Barbados and with the aid of some six hundred special constables, sworn in, and a volunteer horse patrol, of seventy strong were assembled to patrol the streets of the town.


Irish Non-Commissioned Officers and Constables. 


The need for another “remodelling the Force” became urgent after the events of October 1849. The population had expanded to include West Indians coming from the other islands as well as people from various parts of Europe who were fleeing war and starvation, many of whom did succumb to drink and riotous behaviour. There was as well a growing and marked sense of individualism that expressed itself in an expanding community of people who lived mostly in east Port-of-Spain, who saw themselves as belonging to a parallel society, ‘a hoodlum element’, with gangs that engaged in brawls, stick fighting, cockfighting, drumming, prostitution, the creation of ribald songs, and vulgar, outrageous and at times dangerous behavior. This was the crucible of the Jamette class that would keep the carnival spirit alive, in spite of the opprobrium that was heaped upon it by polite society and express it in Cannes Brulées carnival at a later date as a form of resistance to authority. With the growing industrialisation of agriculture, an expanding railway,  a prosperous commercial sector, imposing government buildings and an increasing middle-class, there was more valuable property and important persons to safeguard and protect.  As a result, this period saw the Force being manned increasingly by ex-service men from the West India Regiments that had been raised in West Africa as well as men from British regiments who had been discharged in the region after their tours of duty had expired. The look of the rank and file of the Trinidad Police Force towards the end of the 19th century was multi-racial.



Inspector-General of Police 
Captain Arthur Baker 1877–1889 
The Ashanti type pith helmet was introduced 
in 1890 to the Trinidad Constabulary. 
It had become popular after the Anglo-Zulu War. 
Originally made of pith with small peaks or “bills” 
at the front and back, the helmet was covered 
by white cloth, often with a cloth band (or puggaree) 
around it, and small holes for ventilation. 
Military versions often had metal insignia 
on the front and could be decorated with 
a brass spike or ball-shaped finial. 
The chinstrap would be either leather or 
brass chain, depending on the occasion.

Carlton Ottley informs us that “In the 1840s Police Headquarters was housed in a building at the corner of Abercromby and Hart Streets, it would later be converted into the Fire Brigade Station. From 1859 to 1865 Henry Grattan Bushe commanded the Force, he was succeeded by Lionel Mordrent Fraser who served from 1865 to 1889. It was during his tenure that the Police Headquarters, the Port-of-Spain Depot, was built, this was in 1876.
Remarkable for its time, it was the tallest building in Trinidad and featured the novelty of a ball on the top of the flag-post which fell, to the sound of a bugle call, precisely at mid-day G.M.T.”

Lieutenant Commander Kelshall tells us that “In 1879, the Royal Commission on Defense decided that regular British troops could be withdrawn from Trinidad and replaced by a Volunteer Military force, who in the event of trouble would hold the island until the Royal Navy could arrive with reinforcements.”
“In 1889,” we learn from historian Olga Mavrogordato, “the St James Barracks, which was built in 1827, was handed over to the Trinidad Government with an understanding that, should the British Army ever wish to return, they should have it. A decision had been taken whereby a body of police were to be trained in the proper use of arms at St. James Barracks to provide protection for the colony when necessary. It is as a result of this decision that St. James Barracks became a training school for the police. In 1906, forty-two men of the Mounted Branch were transferred to St. James where they were trained in the art of horsemanship.”
A detachment of police in the 1890s
drawn up outside the Princes Building.
This marked another change, perhaps the most significant change in the police since the time of Colonel Picton. Kelshall writes, “Thus was formed the Trinidad Volunteer Infantry Regiment, later supported by the Trinidad Artillery and the cavalry of the Trinidad Light Horse. The Volunteers formed the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry, but they were not numerous enough to hold the line and the Trinidad Police Force with a strength of four hundred and thirty-eight men with fifty-four horses became the 2nd Battalion of Light Infantry with Captain Arthur Baker the first Inspector-General in charge.  They were modeled after the Royal Irish Constabulary and adopted Light Infantry uniforms and accoutrements, including the issue of weapons. They were inspected each year by a British general both in barracks, on parade and carrying out military maneuvres alongside the soldiers of the Volunteers, usually on the Port-of-Spain Savannah. Around the time of the First World War, they ceased training as light infantry, but retained the name Constabulary up to 1939. They retained the Light Infantry uniforms along with many items, such as Moroccan belts, swords and rifles. The chain of command and drill are still basically in use today and form a proud tradition of a distinguished past.”
The Trinidad Artillery at practice
at St James Barracks in the 1900s. 
In 1884, Inspector-General Baker described the Force as being composed of 436 men of all ranks, including 30 additional in that year. His staff consisted of two inspectors, both Englishmen, one posted in Port of Spain, the other in San Fernando. A sergeant major from the Irish constabulary for each division, five sergeant superintendents, one a black man, the others former soldiers from the Irish constabulary, 21 sergeants, white and coloured, 26 corporals of mixed ancestry, three grades of constables, full strength 350, some of whom were European, the others mostly from Barbados “and two or three natives of Trinidad in the whole force, who are usually worthless from stupidity. Besides this stupidity, there is a great dislike to enter the Force amongst the natives and the dislike has existed for years.”  (J. N. Brierley, ‘Trinidad Then and Now’)


The Police Hospital.
Inspector John N. Brierley 1871
Inspector Brierley came to Trinidad in 1874 to join the Police Force. Making a name for himself as a detective, he became senior inspector and was instrumental in laying out San Fernando and Port of Spain into beats. Historian Fr. Anthony de Verteuil recounts that he traveled extensively to all parts of the island on horseback, giving lectures and instructions. Amongst those Irishmen who settled here at this time were Farrell, Darcy, Costelloe, Fahay, Flynn, Murphy, and Fraser.


The reorganising, retraining and rearming of the Trinidad  Constabulary as a Battalion of Light
A detachment in ‘Marching Order’ kit in barracks, note mascot.
Infantry was seen as justified by what became known as the Cannes Brulées riots of the 1880s, the Hosay riot of 1884 and the Arouca riot of 1891. These disturbances, at which, after the Riot Act was read, the Constabulary either charged with fixed bayonets and or opened fire on the rioters, were an indication of not simply elements of a population behaving in a disorderly manner, but rather were indicative of a deep general dissatisfaction with crown colony rule. The resistance to slavery had been carried into resistance to Colonial Rule. There was a sense of alienation which was  expressed as resistance to law and order in a wide cross-section of the colony’s population. People had grown to
In ‘Marching Order’ kit, note Lewis machine gun at left. 
become resentful of the institutionalised racism and the inequality, the lack of opportunity that pervaded every aspect of life, and for not only the poor in Trinidad and Tobago.
The authorities, mindful of the fears of the ‘respectable persons of all classes’ of a general uprising of the blacks, which had been inherited as a memory of slavery, now became alarmed by a section of the East Indian community who produced the Hosay festival annually. The authorities believed that there was cause for a strong, armed and disciplined force to guard against what was thought to be dangerous elements within the Indian community on the cane estates, as well as the blacks in the overall urban society.
Trinidad & Tobago Constabulary on parade.
This period of insecurity in the colony saw the commanding officers, Inspectors-General of the Trinidad Constabulary, drawn from the Irish Constabulary that had been created expressly for the suppression of the Irish nationalists. Captain Arthur Baker, 1877–1889, Captain Edmund Fortescue, 1889–1898, and Major-General Sir Francis Scott, 1898–1902, were Inspectors-General of the Trinidad Constabulary.
The Port-of-Spain Gazette of October 1898 reported that “That the new military program is beginning to take shape. A new body of fifty armed police is to be added to the Police Force and to be permanently stationed at St. James’ Barracks under the command of Supt. Sergent Shelston. One of the several sergeants from the Irish Constabulary has already arrived and will replace Sergeant Shelston at the Police Station (Police Headquarters). His name is Dennis Cassidy. It appears that there is to be in future a regular interchange of men between the Police Station and the barracks, which will ensure the efficient training of the whole Force as an armed body whilst providing an ever-ready body for any military emergency.” The Police Hospital on Charlotte Street was opened in 1894. Also in that year the Fire Brigade was made a separate unit of the Force.
A report from an Inspector who was a serving Major General in the British Army stated: “Inspection of Trinidad Armed Police, December 7 and 8, 1904   Turn-out. - Very fair. The Inspector-General reported that gaiters (Army pattern) has been provided and that water-bottles were ordered.  Arms. - Martini-Enfield. Long bayonet. The Inspector-General states that no change in the arms is contemplated at present, as the Colony possesses a large number of rifles of the above description. Although the Martini-Enfield rifle is in itself a very good weapon, troops armed with it are naturally at a disadvantage when opposed to others armed with a magazine rifle of any description.  Drill. - Several movements in Part V, Infantry Training, were executed very creditably under the Deputy-Inspector General, Mr. Swain.  Skirmishing. - A simple tactical exercise involving an attack was very intelligently carried out under Inspectors Greig and Brierly.  Street Fighting. - Very practical method of blocking and patrolling streets with a section of men was illustrated - special means were taken for searching houses.  Ride by Mounted Police. - 7 mounted police executed a ride very creditably.  Musketry. - On the 8th I witnessed a few men firing on the range. The shooting was moderate, and I have little doubt it will improve with more practice.  Barracks. - On the 10th instant I visited the headquarters. The barracks are in good order. The dormitories still are very crowded. This, however, will be remedied when the Depot is opened.  Hospital. - I visited the police hospital on the 13th. It appeared to be well found and adequate in size to the requirements of the Force.”
The idea of forming a permanent body of armed men trained to handle civil disturbances was born out of the police maintaining a close scrutiny of the changing political and evolving social tensions that were unfolding in a society that was becoming increasingly conscious and restive of the limitations of crown colony rule. This body of policemen, the first Riot Squad, was brought into action on the 23rd of March 1903 for an incident known as the Water Riot, when, as historian Angelo Bissessarsingh informs us, “Governor Maloney, perhaps expecting public unrest, ordered the Inspector-General of the Trinidad and Tobago Constabulary, Colonel Hubert Brake, to have 35 armed policemen sequestered within the Red House in addition to several dozen outside. In an attempt to limit access to the Public Gallery it was proclaimed that access would only be granted by a system of allotted tickets. The Ratepayers resisted and deemed this action to be illegal and attempted to storm the Gallery at 10.30 am but were repelled by Brake and his officers.” The ensuing riot caused the Government Buildings, the Red House, where the Legislative Council was in session to catch on fire triggering the reading of the riot act resulting in the Constabulary opening fire on the crowd resulting in eighteen people being shot and killed and fifty-one wounded.


Local Commissioned officers wore the six-pointed star which had been identified with Picton's patron saint, St. David of Wales. Foreign Commissioned officers, at right, wore their Regiment badges.
Sergeant-Superintendents wore a crown on each sleeve. Cap badge bore a crown and the monogram G.R.I., George King & Emperor. Station Sergeants wore four stripes on the lower sleeve. Cap badge bore a crown and the monogram G.R.I., George, King & Emperor.

Before 1938 a crown & three stripes formed the cap badge for Sergeants.  A crown with two stripes for Corporals, the regimental number for Constables and Lance-Corporals, with a crown.

The Mounted Branch would demonstrate their skill at horsemanship with gymkhanas at St. James Barracks on occasion.

The Police band in the 1890s.


The guard house at the entrance to Government House. 

The winners of the police annual marksmanship competition. 

The Belmont police station.


The St. Joseph police station.


Government House


Elements of the 3rd West India Regiment, the Zouaves, stationed at St. James Barracks during the riots of the late 19th century.

The foundation for discipline, the maintenance of high morale, an esprit de corps, and a military tradition that persisted for a great many years in Trinidad and Tobago’s police establishment, had its origins in the 1900s.
At St. James Barracks, Police Headquarters in Port-of-Spain and in San Fernando and in Police
The Cenotaph at the Memorial Park
was inaugurated on 28th June 1924.
Stations throughout the country discipline and order was maintained at a level that could be compared to anywhere in the British Empire, as is shown in the record of regular inspections.
There were, in the ranks in the 1900s, men who had served in India with the British army and with the West India Regiments. The West India Regiments were raised in the West Indies during the French Revolution as Ranger Companies and also in Sierra Leone on the west coast of Africa. They had seen active service in the wars in the Gambia and in the Anglo-Ashanti Wars of the 1880s.  Individuals had been recognised for their gallantry, receiving Britain’s highest awards. For example, Sergent Samuel Hodge V.C., of the 3rd West India Regiment, was a recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth soldiers.
What is of significance is that the police in Trinidad were almost all, not Trinidadian-born. Its officer corps was comprised mostly of  British officers, with perhaps one or two local whites; the Drill Instructors were seconded from British Regiments and the main body of men were made up of West Indians and men who had originally enlisted in West Africa in
Trumpeters of the Police Band sound the Last Post
for the honoured dead. Lest We Forget.
the West India Regiments. Inspector Brierley, writing at the turn of the century, speaks in his book ‘Trinidad, Then and Now’, of his pride in the “unstilted loyalty and strict devotion to duty.” He also points out that in a total company of five hundred rank and file, four hundred were natives of Barbados, St. Vincent and Grenada. It would appear that Trinidadians still had an aversion to join the Force, but, as we will discover, not Tobagonians.

Colonel Herbert Brake assumed command in 1902, he was succeeded by Colonel George Swain in 1907. The military tradition was further enhanced with the start of the first Boer War in South Africa in 1880. This saw men from the Trinidad Constabulary volunteer for service with British regiments. Streets in Woodbrook were named by the colonial government for the British generals of the African wars who had commanded these men; Roberts, Buller, Gatacre, Kelly-Kenny, Baden-Powell, Kitchener and others.
Very much the same spirit was to prevail with the advent of the First World War that according to Carlton Ottley, “no fewer than three officers, ten non-commissioned officers and twenty-one men joined the West India Regiment.” Policemen, trained at St. James Barracks, would perform their duty with loyalty and gallantry on the battle-field, with some upon returning home rejoining the Force. They strengthened the military traditions of discipline, loyalty and duty. This also served to entrench an enduring family tradition within the Force that would pass from father to son.
This was reflected in the composition of the Force with the increase of Trinidadians serving. Ottley writes, “ . . . by 1922 the strength had grown to seven hundred and thirty-nine men, of whom four hundred and twenty-seven were Trinidadians, one hundred and twenty-three were Tobagonians and one hundred and eighty-nine were Barbadians.”

Colonel George Herbert May succeeded Colonel Swain in 1916 and was to serve as Inspector-
Colonel George May,Inspector-General of Constabulary
 1916-1930
General until 1930.  At the time of his appointment, the strength of the Force stood at eight hundred and ninety-six, of which no fewer than seven hundred and fourteen were natives of Trinidad and Tobago.
In May’s day, the Constabulary on parade was a formidable sight and an important element in the display of imperial power. It was a demonstration of the order, discipline and loyalty of colonial forces to the crown. Carlton Ottley points out, “Daily parades were held on the compounds at Police Headquarters in Port-of-Spain and San Fernando, and regular parades of battalion drill were carried out at Shine’s Pasture, now Victoria Square, or on the Queen’s Park Savannah.” There were regular route marches through towns and across the countryside accompanied by the Police Band and demonstrations of horsemanship with gymkhanas held regularly at the St. James Barracks. Important parades such as King’s Birthday Parade, Empire Day, Memorial Day and parades for the arrival or departure of governors and visiting dignitaries were occasions that drew large admiring crowds with, at times, contingents of two hundred or more policemen on parade. Police Band concerts at the band stand in the Royal Botanical Gardens as well as at other venues, became for many years an important cultural feature in
Colonel George May, center, with officers of the First Division.
Second from the left is Sub-Inspector Carr, father of
Commissioner of Police “Sonny” Carr.
the social life of Port-of-Spain.
There were now six police divisions throughout the country, including Tobago, each with several stations that were at all times fully manned. These stations were equipped with stables, barracks to house the men and with accommodations for officers. The starting salary in the Force was $24.00 a month. This was regarded as very good, at the time when store clerks made $5.00 or less, per fortnight.





Colonel Arthur Mavrogordato
Inspector-General of Constabulary and
Commandant of Local Forces 1931–1938.
Colonel Arthur Stephen Mavrogordato, prior to his posting to Trinidad, was Inspector-General of the Palestinian Police Force. He assumed command of the Trinidad Police Force with the rank of Inspector-General of Constabulary and Commandant of Local Forces in 1931. His appointment to Trinidad, having served in the highly volatile Middle East command, coincided with developments in a secret experimental laboratory at Trinidad Leaseholds Ltd. where 100 high octane aviation fuel was being developed for use in the R.A.F. His job here was to ensure that it was not sabotaged.

Lieutenant Colonel Harragin D.S.O.
Sub-Inspector Harragin joined the Police Constabulary on 1st February, 1905. He left the colony in 1915, with the first battalion of the B.W.I. Regiment to serve in the Great War, in which he and his battalion distinguished themselves against the Turks in the charge on the Damieh Bridgehead in the Jordan Valley, Palestine. Harragin was awarded the D.S.O. as a direct result. Also seeing action with the first battalion of the B.W.I. Regiment in the Jordan valley that day was Lance-Corporal Julien, also a Policeman. He received the D.C.M. for valourious service. 
The D.S.O & D.C.M are the second highest awards for gallantry in action after the Victoria Cross.
On their return to Trinidad, Lieutenant Colonel Harragin and Sergeant Julien took up their regular duties in the Trinidad & Tobago Police Force. 


Lance-Corporal Julien D.C.M.
The strength of the Force in 1934 stood at about two thousand men. Contrary to popular belief, Colonel Mavrogordato did not ‘give’ the police star to the Trinidad & Tobago Police Force because he had served in Palestine, he was not Jewish and the state of Israel had not yet come into existence.
The years between the World Wars, the 1920s-30s, was a time of very great poverty in Trinidad and Tobago. The failure of the world’s monetary order, known as the Great Depression, as well as the aftermath of the war had caused the markets for the island’s agricultural produce, mainly sugar and cocoa, to collapse. There was not just poverty on a very wide scale, along with the deprivations caused by the inequalities of colonial life, but many people faced actual starvation.
One of the important, perhaps the most important after-effect of the First World War was the change in the colony’s society.  Men who, in their hundreds, had gone abroad to serve ‘King and Country’ returned to these islands greatly changed. The myth of the superiority of the white race had ended on the battlefields of Europe, the Middle East and East Africa where the West India Regiments had served. Trinidadians had seen white men, for the first time, in roles that were not managerial, that did not convey superiority, who, in the terror of the trenches demonstrated the same fear, the same cowardice, or for that matter, the same gallantry, that they themselves possessed. War is the great equaliser. Beyond that, men heard for the first time the call for organised labour and the subtle arguments that sought to describe what would be called a ‘just’ society.  The Russian revolution and the rise of bolshevism, communism, socialist politics and trade unionism had entered Trinidad and Tobago’s political discourse with the returning troops, where it would find fertile soil prepared with the already established Trinidad Workingman’s Association. There was as well a growing nationalistic impulse founded in the established resistance to Crown Colony rule that formed itself around ideas of black consciousness. An awareness of ones self as a whole person, increasingly expressed with ideas couched in a political philosophy known as Garveyism, named for the Jamaican thinker, Marcus Garvey.
Militant trade unionism in Trinidad and Tobago was to grow and take root in all of the above and express itself in the canefields and in the oilbelt of Trinidad.

The Reserve Platoon in 1937
under the command of Inspector Ogier.
June 19th, 1937 marked the beginning of yet another testing period for the Force, as it was the start of what became known as the Butler Riots. We are fortunate to have the personal recollections of  former Commissioner of Police, Eustace Bernard, who in his book, ‘Against the Odds’ gives us the only first hand account ever published of the events at Fyzabad. “Around 7.00 p.m. on the evening of the 19th, the bugle sounded the assembly at Police Headquarters. On falling in on the Barracks Square, we were instructed to return to our quarters, get dressed in ‘Marching Order’ (blue tunic, blue long trousers, haversack, with cape rolled and strapped to the waist, belt at the back, pouch, helmet, rifle and bayonet), and to re-assemble in twenty minutes.”
Corporal Charles King
Along with three bus-loads of policemen he was transported to San Fernando and thence to Fyzabad. He had heard, through the grapevine, that their was rioting in the oilbelt. The officers in charge were Major’s Liddlelow and Power, with Power as Senior Inspector of Police and in command of the southern division. He relates that at the time of his platoon’s arrival at Fyzabad on the 15th of June, 1937, there were already several detectives from San Fernando gathering information on developments taking place in the oilbelt. Among them were Belfon, Charles King, Hunte, Lashley, and others. Orders had been given by the Inspector General of Constabulary Mavrogordato to arrest Uriah Butler, the union leader. “At the time of the arrival of Major Power and his party, Butler was addressing  a crowd of about three hundred persons. Power handed the warrant to Sergeant Price and told him to read it. Price began to do so but soon became incoherent. Butler said: ‘I
Sub-Inspector Bradburn
can’t understand what he is saying.’
Power took the warrant from Price, gave it to Belfon and said; ‘You read it.’ Belfon read it and Power then told him to arrest Butler.
“Butler then said to the crowd; ‘Are you going to allow them to carry me down like this?’
“The crowd replied with a resounding ‘No.’
“Bottles and stones were then pelted at the police from all sides. Power and party retreated from the fusillade of missiles, walking backwards to the vehicles. The crowd then began to throw missiles at the vehicles, some of which narrowly missed Constables Callender and Ashmead . . . Callender drew his revolver and stood in a threatening manner outside the car. Hunte and Price ran past the car, one of them was bleeding from a cut on his forehead. Liddlelow also had his revolver drawn; Power, who was unarmed, was calling on the crowd to behave themselves and instructed the police not to shoot. He then got alongside the driver, who in the meantime had
managed to get behind the wheel. Power was struck with a large stone on the left side of his head, just below the neck. He dropped to the ground like a log. Liddlelow, with help from other policemen, put Power in the car while the others climbed in the jitney. Liddlelow stood on the running board of the car with his revolver drawn and both car and jitney retreated somewhat ingloriously.”
The wound received by Major Power was to take him out of the action of the day and ultimately led
Major Wilfred Power
to his death. Meanwhile Callender had driven Liddlelow and party to the Fyzabad Police Station. There the men were mustered, ammunition checked and recorded in the station diary. “It was only then discovered that Charles King, a detective corporal from CID, Port-of-Spain was missing,” writes Bernard. “The Information available indicated that King was last seen running towards a Chinese shop at the Fyzabad junction. . . . About 5.30 p.m. that evening, a maid employed by a junior staff member of Apex Oilfields told Sergeant Lashley that a policeman had been burnt to death at Fyzabad. . . . Later that afternoon, the Reserve Platoon from St. James Barracks under Inspector Ogier and Sub-Inspector Bradburn arrived. Major Liddlelow decided to check out the
information concerning Corporal King. He mustered eighty policemen and left with a bus and two cars for Fyzabad junction.
“As the party of policemen proceeded on its way, several stones and bottles were thrown at them. Suddenly, a shot rang out and Bradburn, who had just walked past the car driven by Callender, cried out as he fell to the ground clutching at his chest.”
The funeral of Sub-Inspector William Bradburn at the Military cemetery in St. James
where the remains of Major Wilfred Power are also interred.
Sub-Inspector Bradburn later died of gunshot wounds.
The grave of Detective Corporal
Carl, alias ‘Charles or Charlie’ King.
“On the morning of Sunday 20th June, 1937, a strong armed party of policemen was sent out to collect the remains of Corporal Charles King at Fyzabad. It had been confirmed that he had been burnt to death. His charred remains were found at the back of the Chinese shop to which he was last seen running. Apparently King was recognised by an angry mob who chased him through one of the rear windows and he fell thirty feet to the ground. King must have broken one of his legs when he fell, as he was seen crawling towards a fence. The entrance to the shop was on the same level as the road and King obviously thought that the ground at the back was also on the same level. At the spot to which he had crawled, kerosene was poured on him and he was set alight. A number of persons were subsequently arrested and charged with his murder, but they were all acquitted.”

Lieutenant Commander Kelshall, who was in charge of the political prisoners detained on Nelson Island in 1970, sums up the Butler riots in his book, ‘The Great War’ thus, “Butler was the first of a long line of rebel leaders whom Trinidad idealised in preference to the men who stood for law and order. Men who created conditions of anarchy, who created the opportunity for hooligans to work their evil on innocent citizens. They themselves were seldom involved in the unlawful acts, but who by their conduct and oratory sanctioned them. Everyone remembers Butler, but few remember Corporal Charles King, or have ever heard the names Bradburn or Power.”

King’s birthday celebration at Government House,
St. Ann’s, in 1936 (note black armbands in mourning for King George V).
Assembled are officers of the Trinidad & Tobago Police Force
and the Trinidad Volunteers. Inspector-General of Police
and Commandant of Local Forces
Colonel A.S. Mavrogordato is seated third from the left.
In 1938 the nomenclature of the Force was changed from the Trinidad and Tobago Constabulary to the Trinidad and Tobago Police Force in the new Ordinance No. 5 of 1938, under which the Inspector General of Constabulary became the Commissioner of Police. New posts of Superintendent and Assistant Superintendent were created. The title Superintendent Sergeant, the ‘Super Sergeant’, gave way to Station Sergeant. Also in that year, Colonel Walter Angus Muller became the first Commissioner of Police. It was during his tenure that the emblem of the Force, the six pointed star, which was previously worn only by local gazetted officers, in remembrance of Colonel Picton’s patron saint, St. David of Wales, was allowed to all ranks as a cap badge.
The Mounted Branch on parade with drawn sabres.
1943 witnessed the elevation of Arthur Johnson to the post of Assistant Superintendent. He became the first gazetted officer to be promoted from the ranks. He was also the first man of colour to achieve such a rank in the Police Force. His appointment was the first of several that would gradually alter the nature of the composition of the officer corps of the Force. It is of interest to note that in the Trinidad Militia and later in the Trinidad Volunteers, persons of colour had held commissioned rank from the early 19th century.

The Second World War also saw policemen depart for active service overseas. No actual figures
Colonel Walter Angus Muller,
1938-1948
have come to hand on the quantity of enlistments. This period was one of heightened readiness for the Force as there was an ever present threat of alien infiltration and sabotage. The oil refineries were particularly vulnerable because of the secret development of 100 high octane aviation fuel underway at Trinidad Leaseholds Ltd. There was as well, as Ottley reports, “the arrival of thousands of immigrants from the other West Indian islands. Their coming posed a great strain on the social services and on the enforcement of law and order.” Other difficulties, many new and complex, were generated by the American military and naval forces stationed in considerable quantities at various points of the island.
This tended to generate tensions that had to be  handled with discretion, as there were confrontations between police and servicemen.
A police corporal wearing the police star
introduced as a cap badge in 1945
for the first time for all ranks.

The secret war:  Lieutenant Commander Kelshall tells us that “Trinidad, because of its strategic location with regard to South America and the Panama Canal, both its own oil reserves and those of Venezuela, became an object of German interest before and during the Second World War. When the Gulf of Paria became a rendezvous for convoys and the significant US naval base was established, Trinidad drew a lot of attention from German submarines.  To counter the German threat, the British MI 5 under Major Badenough and MI 6 under Major Wren set up their secret service headquarters at the Bretton Hall Hotel. They virtually took over the Police Special Branch, which at that time was based on Frederick Street, as their front line unit in counter espionage, the secret war. The police were also
In 1943 Assistant Superintendent Arthur Johnson
became the first black Gazetted Officer
promoted from the ranks.
represented in the Censorship Unit run by first Mr J. K. Thompson and later by Captain Daniel, with their carefully chosen 700 censors.
As soon as the war in the Caribbean escalated in 1942, the secret war in the island became intense, with constant hunts for spies and double agents, many of whom were caught and shipped off to Canada for further interrogation. Trinidad was declared the international inspection port for all air and sea travel to and from South America, and Special Branch carried out searches, inspections and counter intelligence operations. On occasion, they were required to use selected applications of deadly force in this dangerous clandestine world of counter intelligence.  They were assisted in some of their operations by specially selected and trained members of both the Customs Division and the Boy Scouts. Most of what the Special Branch accomplished in their numerous undercover operations must remain secret, but under the direction of MI 5 and MI 6, they played a major role in keeping South America either neutral or in the Allied camp, despite the wishes of the German-speaking South Americans and the aspirations of some of the Dictators on the continent. At the same time, they helped to cut down on the losses in the Battle of the Atlantic.
“At the start of the Second World War, the Local Forces consisted of one regular and one part-time battalion of infantry. This was inadequate to handle the defense of the island and secure the oilbelt and refineries, as well as handle marine patrol. Thus the Police Force was required as a mobile light infantry reserve, although they had ceased infantry training some time before.
A detachment of police as a mobile light infantry platoon.
Initially before the Trinidad Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve built up its strength, policemen were required to do harbour patrols off Port-of-Spain, Point-a-Pierre, San Fernando and Point Fortin. In this they were assisted by Rover Sea Scouts. They also were required to be part of the Civil Defense Force, and indeed, the Commander of the Police Force was the island’s Civil Defense commander. In this role they acted as Air Raid Wardens and for whatever other duties were required from time to time.
Under the threat of a dramatic German naval presence in the Atlantic Ocean, for example the German battleship “Graf Spee” with its accompanying flotilla breaking out into the shipping lanes in 1939, virtually the whole Force was withdrawn from all other duties and deployed to the south coast alongside the soldiers. Their job in the cities and towns was taken over by the Special Reserve constables, the rural constables and precepted Boy Scouts. This established a working relationship that existed for the rest of the war, because when the Graf Spee crisis was over they found that the reserves had done a creditable job.
A Boy Scout troop from Queen’s Royal College.
In addition to their normal police functions, the constables were also required to enforce the special wartime regulations, including zoning and rationing; function as coast watchers, survivor camp guards, railway escorts, auxiliary firemen, stores-men for the tons of Civil Defense equipment, and work with the British secret service. Throughout the conflict the police were never found wanting in all the many varied functions that they were called in to perform.”

The Marine Branch on harbour patrol
was trained in the use of depth charges,
and in heavy machine gunnery (Source: Imperial War Museum)
The immediate post-war period, 1945, saw strike action taken on the waterfront, and in 1946 strikes and arson recurred in the oilbelt. This was also a time when sensational murder trials became all the news and people became familiar with the names Boysie Singh, Bumper, and Thelma Haynes. The first serious steelband riots began in 1947, with Casablanca fighting All Stars, Invaders and Rising Sun. In the years between 1947 and 1951 there were numerous clashes between bands like Invaders and Tokyo, Tokyo and Casablanca. Many steelbandsmen were given long prison sentences for crimes of wounding and rioting. These clashes continued until the main band, Casablanca, which was the band that fought everyone except Desperadoes, along with All Stars, Invaders, Tokyo, Rising Sun, and Desperadoes were invited to a “Peace Settlement” at St. Paul Street Quarry in 1951. Clashes were to continue, the most spectacular taking place in the carnival of 1965 between Fascinators and Highlanders on Charlotte Street, directly in front of the General Hospital.

Commissioner of Police,
Colonel Eric Beadon, 1949–1962.
Colonel Eric Beadon relieved Walter Muller as Commissioner of Police in 1949. He would be the last foreign-born head of the Force. Former Commissioner Eustace Bernard writes that, “The Trinidad and Tobago Police Force was at that time, according to one of Her Majesty’s Inspectors General of Colonial Police Forces, the best in the Colonial Police Service”.
An early innovation under Beadon’s watch was the introduction, in 1950, of the 999 emergency call number. Also in that year the colonial Government, by Ordinance No. 14, created the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service Social and Welfare Association. Carlton Ottley writes, “The new institution, dedicated to the welfare of its members, for the first time allowed policemen to have a direct say in the conditions under which they would work. In the future, as a consequence, they would not merely have to do and die. They would be free, as they are today, to decide where both the interest of the country and that of themselves and their families rest. The formation of the Association was in fact a most revolutionary turn in the affairs of the Force, one which over the years has produced inestimable benefits both to police and public.” This was, as we shall see, not the view of the officers who led the Force.
Colonel Eric Beadon, centre, on his left,
Assistant Superintendent Clive Sealy, with Superintendents,
Inspectors, Sergeants and men who made up
the Depot (Headquarters) company.
In 1951 the Fire Brigade by Ordinance No. 12 of that year established its existence separate from the Police Force. Previously it had been under the command of the Commissioner of Police.
This period also saw the creation of the canine division with the introduction of four Alsatian dogs to help in the detection of crime. The mid-fifties witnessed the introduction of a new aspect of the Force, the policewoman. This was seen as such a novelty that calypsos were composed, the singer wanting the policewoman to not just arrest him, but to hold him ‘tight, tight, tight.’
Commissioner of Police Colonel Eric Beadon
presenting ‘Best Stick” to a W.P.C.
The first Women Police Squad was commissioned in 1955.
In 1955 it was reported that the Force detected and brought to trial suspects in every single murder committed in the country, numbering thirty-two. This was the smallest number in six years. The control of immigrants into the colony had been in the hands of the police. In 1957 a Department of Immigration was created to deal with the vexing question of illegal immigrants, since then it has been argued that
illegal immigrants, particularly from the other islands, have become such a scourge that the calypsonians have made many a song about.









In 1958 Her Royal Highness, Princess Margaret, 
visited Trinidad for the inauguration of the West Indies Federation. She is greeted at Piarco Airport  by the Commissioner of Police, Colonel Eric Beadon. 

She inspects a guard of honour drawn up by the Police Force and the West India Regiment.
The band of the West India Regiment on parade in Port-of-Spain.
A fresh political climate was inaugurated in 1956 by Dr. Eric Williams with the formation of the People’s National Movement. Ottley tells us that 1959, under Colonel Beadon, who served as Commissioner from 1949 to 1962, the Special Branch was created. This was also a time when several local men were gazetted to replace returning expatriate officers. When asked, by the head of a Commonwealth Commission inspecting the Police Force in 1964, about East Indians entering the Force, Commissioner of Police G.T. Carr responded that the selection board had been trying everything possible to increase the number of East Indians in the Force, because he was of the opinion that the Force should be the representative of the population. (Daily Mirror, 1964)
The First Division dining at Police Headquarters in 1968.
Assistant Commissioner Eustace Bernard is at the head of his table.
As the colony moved towards Independence, the Force was again re-organised. Bernard writes that “All the expatriate officers were of the opinion that they could not entrust their futures to local politicians, George ‘Sonny’ Carr,  James ‘Jimmy’ Reid and I, who were the seniors of the local officers and were of the opinion that Trinidad and Tobago was our country and our loyalty and trust had to be to her and no other. All expatriate officers left the service before or after Independence.”
The political atmosphere, in the lead-up to Independence, proved to be divisive on many levels. The most obvious differences were racial, as tensions grew not just between the two largest racial segments in the country, that represented the political divide, the Africans and the Indians, but overtly, and for the first time, between the blacks and the whites.


Commissioner of Police, George Carr, left, and Superintendent Clive Sealy, right, testifying before the Commonwealth Commission of Inquiry into the Trinidad and Tobago Police Force. On the question of training recruits, Mr. Justice Darby, the head of the Commission, said he had sent for a syllabus from the Canadian police authorities, and that out of a total of 1,122 hours of training, only 287 hours of drill were used for Canadian policemen. In contrast, the Trinidad recruits underwent 960 hours of training during their six month course and did 470 hours of drill work. Mr. Carr maintained that this amount of drill was necessary because the Force was considered a military unit. Chairman Judge Walter Derby did not agree. 
Commissioner of Police, 
George “Sonny” Carr, 1962–1966
There were other divisions of opinion; these concerned the veracity of populist politicians with regard to the prosecution of law and order. It was a matter of trust. The people trusted the Police Force. As a paramilitary force they had served the country faithfully, they were, for all intent and purpose, the army.
It would appear that they were expected to give up that role at Independence with the creation of a Defense Force. In 1961 there were public misgivings voiced in the press concerning any changes, with particular regard to placing the Police Force under ministerial (political) control. In the year after that, 1962, the appointment, dismissal and promotion of members of the Force were taken out of the hands of the Commissioner of Police with the setting up of a new Police Service Commission that would take over all responsibility for the recruitment, promotion, discipline and retirement of members of the Police Force. During his time as Commissioner, Trinidad and Tobago was host to the visit of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and his Royal Highness Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. This state visit lasted from February 7th to the 10th. In April of that year the country played host to His Imperial Majesty, Haile Selassie. These state occasions necessitated police work on several levels, from ceremonial parades, to the actual organising of events, to security, to crowd control. Assistant Commissioner Eustace Bernard was in charge of the organising and implementation of these state occasions.

Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth and His Royal Highness, Prince Phillip
on a visit to Trinidad and Tobago in 1966. Standing behind Her Majesty,
 Commissioner of Police George Carr, His Royal Highness, Prince Phillip
and His Excellency, Sir Solomon Hochoy, Governor General of Trinidad and Tobago. 
Her Majesty enters the Red House to open to open Parliament.
She is accompanied by the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate.
A woman police corporal (left) in the new uniform issued for W.P.C.’s in 1965.
A Police Guard of Honour drawn up outside of the Red House
on the occasion of a visit of His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor,
Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia in 1965. 
His Imperial Highness, accompanied by His Excellency
Sir Solomon Hochoy paid an official visit to the Trinidad and Tobago Parliament
in company with the Speaker of the House of Representatives
and the President of the Senate.
Prime Minister Dr. Eric Williams as a guest of
Commissioner of Police “Sonny” Carr at the Commissioner’s
residence at St. James Barracks.


Sir Edward Betham Beetham, right,
and Commissioner of Police ‘Sonny’ Carr.
Sir Edward was  Governor of Trinidad and Tobago
1955–60, where he presided over the transition
to elected internal self-government.
Beetham was the last British colonial governor of
Trinidad and Tobago of British descent.
As Kelshall was to remark in his book, ‘A Close Run Thing’,  “What everyone (in government) overlooked, either deliberately or simply because no one in the hierarchy realised it, was that from the end of the Second World War to the week before Independence, the Police Force had been the army, and that they had a tradition of being the army for more than a century.
It was unrealistic to ask the police to overnight become a civil organisation.
In a token gesture, the name Police Force was changed to Police Service (in 1966) and they were now supposed to be a civil organisation.” In actual fact, the standing orders remained fundamentally in place as were the men who commanded the Police Force.

Three cheers for the Right Honourable Prime Minister
Dr. Eric Williams and for the Minister of Home Affairs,
the Honourable Gerard Montano at a Passing Out Parade.
At left of the Prime Minister is Commissioner Carr,
behind Gerard Montano is Deputy Commissioner James Reid.
The new Commissioner of Police was George Thomas Witmore “Sonny” Carr. He was a son of a gazetted police officer who had come to Trinidad in the 1900s and had married a local lady. “Sonny” Carr had, in a manner of speaking, grown up at the St. James Barracks and as such was known to the rank and file.
The year of our Independence, 1962, also saw Dr. Eric Williams become the first Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago. Independence marked the end of an era in the affairs of the Trinidad and Tobago Police Force. They were no longer responsible to the British Government, but to the people of Trinidad and Tobago. In Kelshall’s opinion, Dr. Williams was “an autocratic leader and as such he must take much responsibility for what took place immediately after Independence.” Kelshall believed that Williams started with a serious disadvantage. “He was a social historian. . . he knew very little of military affairs. . . The fact that he annually laid a wreath at the Cenotaph where there were one hundred and eighty names inscribed never seemed to reach him. Unfortunately, his influence was so strong that his view of military affairs was widely copied and contributed in no small measure to the lack of a military tradition in Trinidad and Tobago in the post-war years.
“He was put out by the British insistence that to become independent Trinidad and Tobago would have to have a military force. He did not want the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment that was fostered on him.”





Commissioner of Police ‘Sonny’ Carr, third from left,
with Commissioners of Police in waiting, from left
Mr. Eustace Bernard and Mr. James Reid, on the right of
Commissioner Carr are Mr. Tony May and Mr. James Rodriguez.
This was a time of fundamental changes affecting not only the institutions of the state but the entire society, as adjustments were made psychologically and materially to the Independence of Trinidad and Tobago from Great Britain. One such change was the nature of the Press and its relationship with the police. At the 1964 Commonwealth Commission of inquiry into the Trinidad and Tobago Police Force. Commissioner Carr stated “The main reason that our efforts have not been very successful, regrettably is a most important medium for promoting public relations, the Press, is by no means co-operative.” He charged the newsmen with misconstruing, distorting and fabricating news and said it has had adverse effect on the Force. He said that news that would give the Force credit was seldom given prominence.
The Prime Minister Dr. Eric Williams accompanied
by Deputy Commissioner of Police, then Acting Commissioner
Tony May, on a tour of police stations during the Black Power
demonstrations of 1970. Deputy Commissioner of Police
Tony May was appointed Acting Commissioner.
Previous Commissioner of Police James Reid had retired at
the beginning of April, and the new Commissioner of Police
Eustace Bernard, whose appointment was to
commence in June, was still overseas.
Another change in the society that coincided with the period of Independence was appearance of a variety of illicit drugs on the local scene for the first time and in such quantity. Under Carr’s watch, to deal with this alarming problem, the Narcotic Squad was established in 1964, because according to Carlton Ottley,  “Drug addiction among young people had reached such proportions, and the use of marijuana become so widespread.”
The decades of the 1960s–70s, in the world over, was a time of social upheaval and revolutionary changes, caused in part by the coming of age of a generation that sought to define itself by being against the established norms. It was characterised here in T&T by the spread and the easy availability of marijuana, cocaine, methaqualone (mandrax) and a variety of hallucinogenics. In a publication entitled ‘Cocaine and Heroin Trafficking in the Caribbean’, social scientist Daurius Figueira writes, “Commencing in the late 1960s to the present, Trinbago has been constantly awash in illicit drugs imported into Trinbago from primarily Venezuela. In the late 1960s compressed Columbian ganja and mandrax, manufactured in Columbia, were landed at various points on the coastline and marketed primarily in the East-West corridor of northern Trinidad.”
Commissioner of Police James Reid, right, and
Deputy Commissioner of Police Eustace Bernard
as guest of honour at the 25th anniversary parade of the
Special Reserve Police, in 1967. His Excellency,
Sir Solomon Hochoy, Governor General of Trinidad,
center, at far left, Senior Superintendent Gionetti,
head of the S.R.P.
During Carr’s tenure Ottley tells us that “in that year, 1964, thirty-nine members of the Police Marine Branch, under Superintendent David Bloom, an Englishman, were transferred to form the nucleus of the Trinidad and Tobago Coast Guard.”
He goes on to say, “By far the most revolutionary measure undertaken by Government, however, was the introduction of the Police Service Act No. 30 of 1965. Among other changes, the First Division Officers would henceforth come under the general regulations of the Civil Service in regard to certain appointments.” Carr was to serve as Commissioner until 1966, when he would be succeeded by James Porter Reid; he too had been born in Trinidad of an English father and a Trinidadian mother and would serve as Commissioner from 1966 to 1970.

Commissioner of Police
James Porter Reid, 1966–1970.
The Black Power demonstrations of 1970, eight years after Independence, were born out the
frustrations felt by a generation of young black people, who in the aftermath of Independence, could not foresee how their hopes and ambitions, that had been inspired by the independence movement, could possible be realised.
The Black Power uprising took place in the wake of labour unrest and strikes during the1960s and events at a Canadian University and were formulated and expressed in the habitual rhetoric of resistance. This language and behavior had its origins in resistance to slavery and later resistance to colonial rule and worker repression, and was seen by many as unfounded because by all intent and purpose the government of the country was a black one.  These demonstrations also took shape against the backdrop of world events, not the least of which was the rise of black awareness  and the struggle for freedom from tyranny in the United States, South Africa and in other parts of the world where colonial rule, although in the process of passing away, sill lingered, rooted, as it were, in the vested interest of those who still held power.
1970 was a testing year for the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service, with large Black Power street demonstrations, at times numbering some ten to twenty thousand people, on the streets of Port-of-Spain during the months of February, March and April of that year. There was as well a mutiny of the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment at their base at Teteron Bay in Chaguaramas.
Commissioner James Reid’s term of office was due to come to a close at the end of May of that year.
Commissioner of Police ‘Sonny’ Carr being
dined out at Police headquarters in 1966. Standing at left
is His Excellency, Sir Solomon Hochoy,
Governor General of Trinidad and incoming
Commissioner James Reid,  sitting is outgoing
Commissioner Carr and standing
at Carr’s right, Sir Werner Boos, Colonial Secretary.
His successor, Deputy Commissioner Eustace Bernard, whose appointment was to be effective from June 4th 1970, was abroad in England sitting his final Bar exams. Bernard, in being appointed Commissioner, had broken the proverbial glass ceiling. He was the first man of African descent to be appointed Commissioner of Police, serving from 1970 to 1973.
During this period of social upheaval in the black community the post of Commissioner would be filled by Deputy Commissioner of Police Claude Anthony “Tony” May. May, the son of  former Inspector-General, Colonel George May, had, like former Commissioner Carr, grown up at St. James Barracks.
Under May’s command, Port-of-Spain, where the marches and the picketing of business places had commenced in February of 1970, was spared rioting and looting. . . “only
In a tradition dating back to the middle
of the 19th century, the 1850s, the outgoing
Commissioner of Police, after being dined out
at Headquarters, would be led, by his successor
and his deputy, on horseback, out of the parade
ground and around Woodford Square and
back to Headquarters.
because of the heavy police presence and personal leadership of Senior Superintendent Ken Duff who was in charge of the Riot Squad,” wrote former Commissioner Bernard.  “The Police Special Branch kept the government fully aware of the situation, in particular of the fact that the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment appeared to be in open sympathy with the demonstrators. Junior officers were known to have closed-door sessions with the Black Power leaders; the rank and file responded overtly and enthusiastically to the raised fists of the Black Power salute. The head of the Special Branch, Mr. Ernest Pierre had no doubt that an attempt was in the making to seize the country by force. He so informed the Prime Minister.”
The Special Branch had penetrated the Black Power movement and the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment.
The leading personalties of the Black Power movement were Geddes Granger and Dave Darbeau.
Commissioner of Police
Eustace Bernard, 1970–1973.
Granger had commenced his revolutionary career at the University of the West Indies, where he was enrolled in 1966. In February of 1969, Granger and some members of the Guild of Undergraduates formed an organisation called The National Joint Action Committee, N.J.A.C., which was to become for the next two years a name on the lips of every citizen, as its members and affiliates sought to overthrow the legitimate government of Trinidad and Tobago. Bernard in his publication ‘The Freedom Fighters’ explains that “N.J.A.C. was an umbrella body covering many organisations, not in any way depriving them of their autonomy, but ensuring that they adhere to the fixed goals of Black people dominance in Trinidad and Tobago and the fall of Dr. Eric Williams, the then Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago. Some of the organisations were the Black Panthers, Young Power, the O.W.T.U., the T.I.W.U., the Union of Revolutionary Organisations and U.W.I. Undergraduates.” He goes on to describe that, “Throughout the months of demonstrations, speeches and marches, the police presence was much in evidence. In fact many police officers who were ill at the Police Hospital at St. James Barracks discharged themselves, though not fully recovered, to join their brothers on the line. Granger and most of his speakers sought to subvert the loyalty of the police by appealing to them as ‘Black Brothers’ who came from the same background; that the struggle of N.J.A.C was also their struggle: thus they must not allow themselves to be used against their brothers. N.J.A.C. failed in this objective. The same cannot be said of the Regiment. Soldiers were seen carrying Black Power banners, giving the Black Power salute, i.e. the raised, clenched fist, taking part in marches and demonstrations and in an overt manner being part of N.J.A.C. The Regiment lost the trust of the Government.”
Standing: l to r. Asst. Com. Gladstone Roach,
Senior Superintendent Ken Duff, Dep. Com. Ernest Pierre,
Asst. Com. Clive Sealy. Sitting: Dep. Com. Anthony May,
Commissioner of Police Eustace Bernard,
 Assistant Commissioner Dennis Ramdwar.
The Government, Prime Minister Dr. Eric Williams, had not lost trust in the Police Service, which was loyal to a man. The Government was also aware that the Coast Guard, with its large composition of members of the former Police Marine Branch, was dependable and that its officer rank was loyal.
The Black Power marches and speeches continued to April 20th, 1970. The declaration of a State of Emergency on 21st April, when Granger and some of his lieutenants in N.J.A.C. were detained, brought to an end what was obviously a lawless state of affairs. These detentions marked the end of that phase of N.J.A.C.’s strategy; their objective to bring down the Government of Trinidad and Tobago had failed. Bernard had knowledge that “N.J.A.C. was dominated by people with communist ideas and ideology.” The Police Service had, without a doubt, saved Trinidad and Tobago from what could have amounted to be a foreign power intervention, very likely, according to Kelshall, from Venezuela, or a civil war with all the attendant miseries and violent deaths.

Commissioner of Police Eustace Bernard receives the Medal of Merit
from His Excellency, Sir Solomon Hochoy, Governor General of Trinidad.

Commissioner of Police Eustace Bernard, center,
with Superintendents, Inspectors, Sergeants,
Instructors and newly graduated constables.
Writing about what in his opinion was the start of the collapse of police discipline in his book, ‘Against the Odds’, former Commissioner of Police Eustace Bernard states,  “In the Police Service, unlike other sections of the Public Service, there was prior to 1971, no limit to the hours of duty a policeman was required to work. A policeman was available for duty once he was in the station, and he was required to be there unless he was given leave, which was granted only when there was an adequate reserve. So, it was not unusual, even as late as the time of my assumption of duty as Commissioner of Police, that the Abstract of Duty, kept at each station, averaged a sixty-eight hour week.” Meaning that the average on-duty hours for a policeman was sixty-eight hours. “The Police Association, in an effort to equate the police work-week with those of public servants, got cabinet approval for the reduction of the number of hours of worked per week. The publication in the ‘Gazette’ giving effect to this was No. 44 of 1971 with a forty hour work week, proposed from 1st January, 1972.”
Commissioner of Police,
Claude Anthony May, 1973–1978.
Eustace Bernard plainly states, “The numerical strength of the Service was clearly not sufficient to enable it to work a forty four hour week and to render an efficient 24 hour service to the public. To reduce police working hours to forty per week was, therefore, looking for even greater chaos. The Commissioner of Police was not consulted before the agreement with the Police Association led by its general secretary, Inspector Rupert Arneaud was reached. However, before publication of the relevant regulations, the Minister of National Security, Mr. George Chambers, discussed the matter with me. I strenuously objected to the forty-four hour week, pointing out the detrimental effect it would have on the availability of policemen at stations, their presence on the streets and the capability of the police to respond to calls.”  Bernard was supported in his views by members of the First Division as well as by past Commissioners James Reid and George Carr, and significantly the Acting Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of National Security, Mr. Teasly Taitt, to whom he wrote a report five months later, drawing to his attention the detrimental effect which the change to a forty-four hour week was having on efficiency, morale, discipline and ‘esprit de corps’ of the Service, the four essentials as he termed them.
It was also made clear to the government that this change would eventually cause a backlog in the
Commissioner of Police Tony May with Senior Superintendents,
Sergeants and Instructors at the Police Barracks.
courts. Commissioner Bernard was to report, “There has been a marked falling off in the attendance of court cases, in that court attendance interfered not only with the two compulsory days off, but also with time off in the eight hour day.  I believe this reduction in police working hours has been the root cause of police inefficiency,” Bernard reported. He argued that the authorised strength of the Service was two thousand eight hundred and eighty six in 1971. “If one were to divide this number into four shifts, each shift would be made up of seven hundred and twenty one men, thus the new regulations have placed into actual service, at any one time, only seven hundred and twenty one men to carry out all the functions of the Police Service.” And this was not taking into account officers and men who could be on leave, abroad or ill, thus reducing the quantum of on duty police by a considerable amount. “I told him if we were to take fifteen percent of the seven hundred and twenty one men as being on leave in any one year and another five per cent as being sick, there will only be five hundred and seventy seven men to run the entire Trinidad and Tobago Police Service at any one time in any one year.
In 1987 Clive Sealy was Deputy Commissioner of Police
when on the recommendation of the Police Service
Commission he was appointed to the post of Special Advisor
 (Protective Services) in the Ministry of National Security.
In 1983 Clive Sealy was Acting Commissioner of Police,
the incumbent, Commissioner of Police Randolph Burroughs,
being away from the country.
Sealy had been Deputy Commissioner
in 1973, Assistant Commissioner in 1967,
Senior Superintendent in 1966, and Assistant
Superintendent in 1960. 
He goes on to describe what was already happening and predicted what would be the future experiences of the public for several years. “This reduction has had a tremendous detrimental effect on the entire Service. There was no one at stations for considerable periods, either by day or by night, other than the sentry. Reports of accidents, burglaries and serious crimes could not be investigated until some days later. In some instances, the inspectors have had to go out to investigate traffic accidents.
“In so far as security was concerned, having regard to the few men at stations, I have had to withdraw rifles from several stations in Port-of-Spain and place them in central repositories. In several divisions I have had to do the same thing. However, I have not found it prudent to do this with respect to all stations.”
Without the appropriate increase in trained personnel in all ranks, this was a very serious blow to the effectiveness of  the Police Service, made critical, by the evidence being collected by Special Branch on the increase of illicit drugs and guns entering the country and, the extent of subversive activities being conducted by persons of interest to the police.

It seems inconceivable that after such a serious social upheaval as N.J.A.C.’s attempt to overthrow
Superintendent
Randolph Burroughs.
the elected government, as well as an attempted mutiny of the Trinidad and Tobago Regiment, that the very same government that had been saved by the Police Service, would countenance an act that would effectively undermine the discipline and weaken the effectiveness of the very Police Service that had saved it, as well as the country, from anarchy.
The effect of the forty hour work week introduced to the Service by the government brought the now increasingly “at home policeman” into close and personal contact with the expanding drug trade. In the late 1960s–70s, according to Darius Figueira, “Trinidad and Tobago was fully integrated into the drug trafficking economy of Venezuela.” Bernard claims that the new Regulations “. . . did not permit the policeman to be available at stations for lectures and instructions which, by standing order, are to be given. Since the coming into being of these regulations, there was no one at stations to either to give or to receive
Superintendent Randolph Burroughs with members
of the “Flying Squad” who are receiving instructions
on the use of metal detectors.
lectures. Thus the men were uninformed about matters affecting the Service or pertinent to the discharge of their duties.”
The change in working hours had created circumstances that could only be described as very serious with regard to conflicts of interest. Loyalty to the Service and performance of duty were conflicted with the appearance of illicit drugs, with personal, family and community concerns.  The forty hour work week especially affected the probationer and those who had recently joined the Service: compromised in their loyalty, they were often forced to turn a blind eye to what they saw taking place in their homes, amongst their friends and in the community that they grew up in. Ironically the number of arrest for possession of marijuana increased dramatically generating long trial delays and overcrowding in the Remand Yard.
As marijuana became the popular drug for recreation and anti-social behaviour, it was only a matter of time before the real purpose of its introduction began to manifest, which was to facilitate the importation and transshipment cocaine, accommodate money laundering and the introduction of guns and ammunition. White-collar crime would take root in certain businesses and in several government departments so as to facilitate the drug trade.
The forty hour work week, introduced by the Welfare Association and accepted and implemented by the government, as sudden as it was, served to create a breakdown in discipline and compromised loyalty to the Service. It generated, in the long run, the backlog of cases in the courts and eventually the overcrowding and near collapse of the prison system where, in the remand yards, a university for criminals was created.
These events were further exacerbated by the emigration of some one hundred and ten thousand people who left Trinidad and Tobago from 1960 to 1970; about one tenth of the population. In the previous period, 1950 to 1960, just four thousand people had emigrated. This emigration left many children and young people without parents, exemplars and proper guidance. Without a doubt the society was undergoing a fundamental change, an exodus, in fact, as in the following twenty years, over one hundred seventy thousand persons would leave Trinidad and Tobago to seek their fortunes abroad, producing a generation of the so called “barrel children”. Children whose only contact with their parents were the barrels of gifts received by them from time to time.  To have an idea of what segment of the population that was in the majority of this exodus is to note that carnivals appeared in Brooklyn, London, and in Toronto, as well as in other places.
The corollary to the emigration phenomenon was immigration. This saw about the same amount of people, mostly from the other islands, come to this country, as those who had left it. These lived increasingly in scattered squatter communes along the east-west corridor and in the older neglected and impoverished areas, both in the east and to the north-west of the city of Port-of-Spain.

Commissioner of Police
Randolph Burroughs, 1978–1987.
In 1971, in the aftermath of the failed N.J.A.C./Black Power uprising that had attempted to overthrow the government and the mutiny of the Trinidad and Tobago Defense Force, a group of N.J.A.C. followers continued to meet so as to arrive at a new strategy that would achieve their original goals.
Former Commissioner of Police Bernard in his book ‘The Freedom Fighters’ relates, “Many of them would meet regularly at the corner of Panker St. and Bay Road in St James.” It would appear that these meetings, monitored by Special Branch, attracted a following that included former soldiers, petty criminals, weed pushers, and ex Queen’s Royal College students, some of whom had failed in their scholastic endeavours. Bernard describes them as coming from the surrounding areas of Woodbrook, Khandahar St., Bellevue, Diego Martin, Belmont, Debe and Boissiere Village. An influential personality in these meetings was a young man by the name of John Bedeau. (A coincidence of history gives him the same name as the mulatto ship’s captain, Jean Bedeau, of the French Revolutionary period that Colonel Picton fought against.)
Bernard writes, “He, Bedeau, unlike the non-achievers was, by comparison, well qualified having got his ‘A’ levels and was employed.  He was their age, articulate, persuasive, mild of temperament, but a born revolutionary.” He provided the group with books and instructions on revolutionary tactics. The other influential members of this core group was Guy Harewood, who came from an upper-middle-class background, and Brian Jeffers, a drug pusher and petty criminal. It was agreed that N.J.A.C.had failed because of the absence of military muscle. The ‘Brothers’, as they called themselves, decided to create an organisation that would seize the country by force of arms, a notion that was fortified by the number of former regiment men who were in sympathy with their ideals. They would call the organisation the National United Freedom Fighters, N.U.F.F.
Commissioner of Police, Randolph Burroughs,
in consultation with former Commissioner of Police,
 Mr. Tony May during the N.U.F.F. insurgency.
From 1971 to 1975 the Police, first under the command of Commissioner Bernard and from 1973 to 1978 under the command of Commissioner May, engaged the island’s first and to this day only guerrilla fighter force.
The National United Freedom Fighters, N.U.F.F., evolved into a highly organised and very motivated band of young men and women who staged several bank robberies and holdups, executed acts of sabotage against vital installations, bombed homes of Regiment Officers, ambushed police patrols, shot and killed civilians, destroyed police stations, attempted the murder of Captain David Bloom, and killed four policemen, wounding several others in the course of their duties.
Those murdered were: Constable McDonald Pritchard, Constable Austin Sankar, Corporal Bascombe, and Corporal Andrew Britto.
In the face of almost daily assassination attempts and brazen robberies, all coming in the wake of the harrowing period of the N.J.A.C./Black Power uprising and attempted mutiny by elements of the Defense Force, it became clear that a new and challenging period was upon the Service.
Commissioner of Police Randolph Burroughs inspects
a detachment of Women Police Constables at the
passing out parade, St James Barracks.
Because the earliest actions undertaken by the group were burglaries and break-ins and a daring bank robbery, Superintendent Randolph Burroughs, of the Robbery Squad, was put on full time investigation of these reports by Commissioner Bernard and Special Branch was asked to assist.
Bernard informs us that Randolph Burroughs was an indefatigable worker. He was “most loyal to his seniors and his country, and most importantly, the best informed man of his time on criminals and their activities. He had enlisted in the Service in 1950. He had served most of his service in the Criminal Investigation Department and was cited for outstanding work on twenty three occasions.”
In 1972 after a shootout with Police and a party of well armed and obviously motivated men on the Blanchisseuse Road, Commissioner Bernard relieved Superintendent Burroughs of all other duties and directed that he concentrate on the apprehension of those responsible for what was feared to be an incipient guerrilla movement that was being motivated and guided by outside interest that had as their intention the overthrow of the Government. It was feared that this situation could grow and evolve into a full scale conflict, that in the worsening financial state of the country (this was before the oil boom of 1973) would tend to attract those who had been motivated by the Black Power movement, dissidents, Cuba inspired trade unionists, former members of the Regiment, criminals, the generally disaffected, the impoverished, the desperate and even the idealist.
Commissioner of Police Randolph Burroughs was awarded the Trinity Cross.
He seen here with Commodore Mervyn Williams also a recipient.
“Burroughs was allowed to select the men he wanted,” Bernard informs us and, because of the investigative work done by Special Branch, “he chose several of those policemen who were students at the Queen’s Royal College during the time that Harewood attended.” Commissioner Bernard directed the head of the C.I.D., Assistant Commissioner Russell Toppin and all Divisional Superintendents, to give Burroughs all assistance required and that Superintendent Burroughs report to him personally at least every twenty-four hours. Thus was created the “Flying Squad”. It was to be comprised, to some extent, from men drawn from the Robbery Squad that Burroughs had commanded. Bernard writes, “The Squad was divided into three units: the Combat, which Burroughs personally led, the Undercover and the Surveillance.”
During the following three to four years, the Flying Squad was engaged in running battles with the N.U.F.F. that took place in forested areas of the northern range, in towns and in fact across the country. The robberies of banks and other places provided the N.U.F.F. with cash, but it became obvious to the police that they were being guided and supplied increasingly with sophisticated weapons, cocaine and marijuana.
Commissioner of Police
Randolph Burroughs as opening batsman.
Bernard tells us that following the shooting deaths of four members of the N.U.F.F. by police, widespread condemnation for the police action was evoked by the press and, as he writes, also by “the Pulpit”, thus giving the impression that police life was expendable and that of the bandit was sacrosanct. In all, some eighteen N.U.F.F.  members were shot and killed by the Flying Squad, and once again the country was rescued from what could have been a disaster by a loyal Police Service. The swift elevation of Superintendent Randolph Burroughs to the post of Commissioner of Police in 1978 was to affect the advancement of several senior officers, notably of Deputy Commissioner of Police Clive Sealy. Some have argued that the chain of command  had been irretrievably broken and a new and destructive element had entered the Service, while others contend that in the days of Burroughs “no dog dared bark.”
Commissioner of Police Randolph Burroughs’ term of office came to an end in 1987.  He was succeeded by Commissioner Louis Jim Rodriguez.

Commissioner of Police
Louis Jim Rodriguez, 1987–1990.


In 1990, partly as a result of political indecisiveness, a breakdown in communications and against a protracted downturn in the economy, yet another insurgent group arose. Its alleged purpose was to resist political chicanery, wanton social injustice and exploitation of the disadvantaged. Muslim extremists were able to train and indoctrinate a membership, evade detection and import a quantity of explosives, arms and ammunition. They destroyed by fire the Police Headquarters on St. Vincent Street, Port-of-Spain, murdering the sentry on duty, while holding the members of the Parliament of Trinidad and Tobago hostage and causing multiple deaths in another attempt to overthrow an elected government. These events took place in the first year of Commissioner of Police Jules Bernard taking office.

A tense moment as Commissioner of Police Rodriguez makes his way
to attend a funeral for a fallen comrade. Note the police officer
standing behind the irate civilian.

Commissioner of Police, Louis Rodriguez, middle with uncrossed legs,
with First Division officers. On his left is Deputy Commissioner
of Police Jules Bernard, his successor.



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