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List of some young women from Trinidad and Tobago serving abroad during the First World War

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The following are but a few of the many representing Trinidad who were employed in the Great War:  

ALSTON, MILDRED —Refreshment Branch, War Work (Now Mrs. Martin).
ALSTON, WINIFRED —Red Cross Nurse.
ATKINSON, HAZEL —Ambulance Work, France.
ATKINSON, MAUD.
AUSTIN, MARIE ESTELLE BRUCE —Admiralty Office.
BRODIE, ALICE MAY —Red Cross Nurse.
GOODEN-CHISHOLM, MAIRI —Associate of the Baronness de T’serclases in the work of rendering First Aid to the wounded at Pervyse, and succouring Belgian soldiers in the trenches under shell fire.
CLARKE, MAY RADCLIFFE.
CLEMENS, Miss.
CORDER, GRACE —Acting Matron, Q.A.I.M.N.S.R. Awarded the Royal Red Cross Decoration, 1st Class. (Assistant Matron Colonial Hospital, Trinidad).
DAVIDSON, GRACE —Red Cross Nurse, Edinburgh.
DICKSON, ISABEL RAEBURN —V.A.D., Darrel Hospital (Now Mrs. Taperell).
DOYLE, KATHLEEN —V.A.D., hospital near Regent’s Park.
ECCLES, WINIFRED.
FENWICK, STELLA —V.A.D. Hospital, Margate. Owing to frequency of bombs in that locality, this hospital was closed. She is now at Michie Hospital, Queensgate.
GREIG, DOROTHY —C.P.O. Women’s Royal Naval Service. Was 6 months at R.F.C., and 6 months at Tank Station. In charge of 22 cars and girls.
HARRAGIN, MAVIS —V.A.D., 3rd London General Hospital.
HAMEL-SMITH, MAY —V.A.D., London Hospital.
HAVELOCK, Mrs. E.W. —Red Cross Nurse.
HATT, EDNA —Steno-typist, Air Board, London.
HENDY, MAY EULALIE —V.A.D. Serving in St. John’s Red Cross Hospital, Great Malvern, Worcestershire, (England).
JEFFERS, AUDREY.
KNAGGS, RUTH —V.A.D., Cheltenham.
KNAGGS, BARBARA —Munition Worker, Newcastle.
KNAGGS, PHYLLIS —V.A.D., Cheltenham.
KNAGGS, HILDA —V.AD., Cheltenham.
LAMBIE, DORIS —Red Cross Nurse.
MARWOOD, FLORA.
MILLEE, ETHEL —V.A.D., Hospital, Aberdeen.
MUNN, MAUD A. —Red Cross Nurse. Died 1st December, 1918, U.S.A.
RAPSEY, GERTRUDE —Red Cross Nurse, London Hospital. (Now Mrs. Hird).
RUSSELL, Mrs. LEILA —One of three Adjudicators on Objectors to Active Service. (Other two being men).
SCOTT, SYBIL —Driver of Automobile at Naval Base.
SOLlS, MARIA —Red Cross Nurse, U.S.A.
TAYLOR, ElSIE —Red Cross Nurse.
THOMSON, GRETA —Red Cross Nurse, London.
THOMSON, MINNIE —Red Cross Nurse, London.
TOMUNSON, MAY.
WHARTON, MURIEL —Munition factory.
WHARTON, VIOLET —Red Cross Nurse.
WILSON, Mrs. TERTIUS —Refreshment Branch —refreshments to Returned Soldiers at Victoria Station.

List of some French men from Trinidad who served in World War I

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Dear Boys of Ours  

‘They would not have us weep, 
Dear boys of ours whom we have lost awhile. 
Rather they’d have us keep 
Brave looks, and lips that tremble to a smile. 
They would not have us grieve, 
Dear boys of ours whose valiant hearts are stilled; 
Nor would they have us leave 
OUR task undone; OUR service unfulfilled.’  

Roll of Honour 

AGOSTINI, HENRI —Brigadier to the 31st Regiment of Artillery, DIED in Hospital, 28th January, 1915. (War Cross). 
DUBANTON, MAXIME-ALBERT —Pte. to the 7th Regt. of Colonial Infantry. DIED in Hospital, 19th May, 1915. 
DECORI, DOMINIQUE —Private to the 8th Regiment of Colonial Infantry. KILLED in action at Manastir, 9th May, 1917. 
LIMONGI, JOSEPH-JEAN —Pte. to the 144th Regt. of Cavalry. KILLED in action at Craonne, 13th May, 1917. 
DRANGUET, GEORGES-LOUIS —Sub-Lieut. to the 92nd Regt. of Infantry. KILLED in action at Verdun, 23rd August, 1917. 
NOUAIS, HENRI-MARIE —Interpreter in the British Army. KILLED on the 4th February, 1918. Awarded War Cross Posthumously. 
BARIOU, ANTOINE-CLAUDIUS —Pupil Officer to the 358th Regt., of Infantry. KILLED in action 21st July, 1918, at Sept-Saulx. (War Cross.) 
LOTA, ANTOINE-JEAN-BAPTISTE —Sub-Ljeut, to the 59th Battn., of the Alpine Chasseurs. KILLED in action at Bois is Tournelle (Fére en Tardenois) 28th July, 1918. (War Cross.) 
FORTIER, JEAN ROGER —Auxiliary Doctor to the 152nd Regt. of Infantry. KILLED in action at Ostniewkerke (Belgium) on the 30th September, 1918. (War Cross).    


On Service

AGOSTINI, LOUIS-ANDRÉ —Quarter Master to the 31st Dragoons. 
AGOSTINI, MARIE-JOSEPH-FRANCOIS (alias ‘Frank’) —Sergt. Postman to the 4th Regt. of Zouaves. 
AGUTRRE, JEAN-BAPTISTE —Pte. to the 142nd Regt. of Infantry. 
ALBERT, PIERRE-CHARLES —Corpl. to the 11th Regt. of Foot Artillery. Trans. to 75th Regiment, and was in many battles on the Western front. In action at Verdun, and Fleury. Was GASSED once. Honoured as Marechal de Logis. Returned to Trinidad 28th February, 1919. 
ALBERT, VICTOR-HUGHES —Pte. to the 166th Regt. of Infantry. 
CARLIN, DURAND —Pte. to the 144th Regt. of Infanry. COLONNA, JEAN-MARIE —Pte. to the 7th Regt. of Artillery. 
CREMONE, ISRAEL —Pte. to a Regiment of Infantry. 
DICANOT, JULES —Pte. to the 129th Regt. of Infantry. 
DUMAR, TÉLESPHORE —Pte. to a Regiment of Infantry. 
FORTIER, ROGER —Auxiliary Doctor to the 152nd Regiment of Infantry. (War Cross.) 
JOAS, JUSTIN —Pte. to a Regiment of Infantry. 
LOTA, VICTOR —Auxiliary Doctor to the 4th Engineer Corps. (Was taken prisoner in Belgium and released). 
MAJANI, DOMINIQUE-ANDRÉ —Chauffeur, Section of Tractors of Heavy Artillery. 
MAJANI, JEAN —Pay-Sergt. to the 44th Regt. of Infantry. 
OLIVIERI, ANTOINE —Pte. to the 44th Regt. of Infantry. 
PALAZZI, JEAN-PIERRE-FÉLICIEN —Sergt. to the 69th Regt. of Infantry. (War Cross.) 
PERRIN, ALPHONSE —Sailor in the Mediterranean Sea Fleet. Returned to Trinidad, 28th February, 1919. 
PHELAN, JOSEPH-GREGORY —Sergt. to the 123rd Regt. of Infantry. Now Sub-Lieutenant. (War Cross). Left Trinidad 3rd August, 1914. 
PIERI, CHARLES-PHILIPPE —Pte. to the Corsican Regt. of Infantry. 
QUESNEL, ANDRÉ-ROBERT-MARIE-ALFRED —Quarter Master Interpreter in the British Army.-Awarded British Military Medal. 
QUESNEL, MAURICE-ROBERT-HENRI-GEORGES —Interpreter in the British Army. 
ROLLIN, PIERRE —Pte. to the 99th Regt. of Infantry. (War Cross). 
SAULNY, EUGENE —Pte. 23rd section of the Medical Corps. 
SOTER, CEUEN-FLORIUS —Pte. to the 129th Regiment of Infantry.


Taken from a publication that gave the ‘List of Public Contingents from Trinidad’. This material was made available to us by Gregor Duruty.  

List of Silver War Badges awarded to Trinidadians serving in World War I

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Presented to the following Returned N.C.O.’s and Men of the British West Indies Regiment, at the Queen’s Park Savannah, on Saturday 19th October, 1918, by the Commandant of the Local Forces, the Hon. Colonel G.H. May; V.D. (in the unavoidable absence of His Excellency, the Governor and Corrirnander-in-Chief).

Returned to Trinidad 3/11/1915. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena’
COLLINS, V.

Returned to Trinidad, 5/5/1916. Ex. S.S. ‘Siena’
MAUGE O.
CLEMENTS W.J.

Returned to Trinidad 26/8/1916. Ex S.S. ‘Europa’
BOUCAUD, J.
CALLAN, SILENCE,
CASIMIR, P.
COZIER, R.T.H.
DONAWA, R.
GABRIEL, U.
HENLEY, H.A.-Sergt.
MARK, WA.
MARQUES, L.
MOORE, J.B.
RICHARDSON, J.
TOTA.

Returned to Trinidad 22/9/1916
Ex. R.M.S. ‘Chaudiere’
BARTHOLOMEW, W.
BLENMAN, H.
CARTER, D.
DARMANIE, E.
HENRY, R.N.
HUSBANDS, H.
JOHNSON, S.
PAUL, W.
PAYNE, J.
PERKINS, MB.
PHILLIP, N.
PROVIDENCE, J.
ROBERTSON, F.W.
ST. CL&IR, McKAY
STANFORD, R.A.
TORAILLE, F.C.
WEEKES, D.

Returned to Trinidad, 8/12/1916. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena’
AKIE, H.
CLARKE, J.-Corporal
CUFFIE, JA.
DE SILVA, R.
DOTTIN, A. MCD.
LING, P-Lance-Corporal
MATHEW, T.
OXLEY, J.
PARKER, J.B.
PHILLIPS, 0.
STEWART, A.
WATSON, CL-Lance —Corporal

Returned to Trinidad, 3/7/1917. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena
ALEXANDER, H.C.
CALLENDER, C.
COLLYMORE, R.
LYNCH R.
MILLINGTRON, J.
VANDERPOOL, A.

Returned to Trinidad, 4/12/1917. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena
BENN, J.
CLARKE, C.
IA CAILLE, J.
LEWIS, H.
STIRLING, P.
GUMBS, J.

First Trinidad Contingent British West Indies Regiment Officers, World War I

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Trinidadians flock to enlist at the start of the First World War. This photograph was taken in front of the Town Hall on Knox Street, Port of Spain, by Gregor Duruty in 1914.


Major ALLASTAIR MURRAY MCCULLOCH, —now Captain.
Capt. ALFRED ERNEST ALBERT HARRAGIN, —now Major (MC.)
Capt. ERNEST BOVELL CONNELL, —now 2nd Leut.
Capt. HERBERT JAMES LAWRENCE CAVENAUGH.
2nd Lieut. UALLEAN HAMISH MCU. GOODEN-CHISHOLM, now Lt. R.A.F.
2nd Lieut. ALEXANDER STURROCK LOWSON, —now Capt. and Adjt.
2nd Lieut. LEONARD RICHMOND WHEELER, —now Lieut.
2nd Lieut. ROBERT PHILIP JOHNSTON —now Captain.
2nd Lieut. EDWARD VIVIAN BYNOE, —now Lieut.
2nd Lieut. JOHN PATRICK THOMPSON —now Lt. (Ag. Capt. and Adjt.)
2nd Lieut. EDMUND RICHARD UCKFOLD, —now Lt. (attached RA.F.)
Surg.-Capt. Albert James Clarke.
ABDULA-Returned unfit.
ABRAHAM, HUBERT BERTIE …DIED 23rd October, 1918.
ACHE, LOUIS FELIX.
ADAMS, AUBREY-Sergeant. Wounded in thigh.
ADAMS, NORMAN A —Lance-Corporal, Egypt.
AKIE, HENRY-Returned Medically unfit.
ALEXANDER, LUCIEN …… Accidentally killed, 19th June, 1917.
ALEXANDER, HENRY CLAUDE —Returned Medically unfit.
ALEXANDER, ‘WILFRED —Lance Corporal.
ALLEN, JOSEPH. ALLI, SIRDAR —Returned unfit.
ALLICK, JAMES.
ALLUM, CHARLES RAMSEY.
ANDERSON, CHARLES —sent back from England.
ANDREWS, JAMES.
ANDREWS, STEDMAN.
ANTOINE, CANA.
ANTOINE, FORTUNE.
ANTOINE, PETER.
ANTOINE, SAMUEL.
ARNEAUD, EMANUEL —C. Co., 1st Batt. B.M.E.F.
ASH, JAMES.
ASHBY FITZ CLARENCE —Corpl. Mesopotamia, Acting Quarter-Master.
ASHBY, LAWRENCE.
ASSAI, JAMES
ALBERT. AUSTIN, FRANK …DIED 12th October, 1918.
AUSTIN, HENRY AUGUSTUS.
AUSTIN, JAMES
BABB, EDWARD —Machine Gunner.
BAGWANSINGH —Returned from England.
BALWANT —Returned unfit.
BAPTISTE, ANDREW DE VIRE.
BAPTISTE, EVANS.
BAPTISTE, FREDERICK MOSES.
BAPTISTE, JERRY A. —Lance Corporal, Egypt.
BARNEU, GEORGE.
BARNWELL, ADOLPHUS ERNEST —Sergeant, Egypt.
BARROW, HEADLEY.
BARTHOLOMEW, WESLEY —Returned Medically unfit.
BASTIEN, JOHN. BEHARRY, LAL —Returned unfit.
BENJAMIN, REZY.
BERNARD, NORMAN. BERTETE, HENRY —Private, Egypt. BHOLAH —Returned unfit.
BHOORISINGH —Returned unfit.
BISHOP, DELSON.
BLENMAN, GEORGE WILBERT.
BLENMAN, HUBERT —Returned Medically unfit.
BOBB, ARTHUR.
BOMARSINGH —Returned unfit.
BONNETT, AARON … DIED 27th April,1916.
BOUCAUD, JOHN —Returned Medically unfit.
BOYD, HENRY…DIED October (?) 1918.
BRACKENREED, JAMES-Sergeant, E.E.F. Egypt.
BRATHWAITE, MALCOLM ATHELSTAIN… DIED October (?) 1918.
BRATHWAITE, NATHANIEL.
BRATHWAITE, THEODORE.
BRIDGEWATER, URIAS —Drummer, O. Co., 1st Sew. Battalion.
BRIGGS, GEORGE HUBERT AUGUSTUS.
BROWNE, LEONARD FITZGERALD…DIED 19th August, 1918, Italy.
BRUCE, JAMES DOLLY —Signalling Sergt. B. Co., 1st Bat. M.E.F. Egypt.
BRYAN, CHARLES ISIDORE —Lce-Cpl. Served Ger. E.A.F. Invalided Egypt
BUDALOOSINGH —Returned unfit.
BUNTIN, ALFRED WASHINGTON…DIED 13th January, 1919.
BURKE, FRANCIS ALBERT.
BURNETE, JOSEPH NATHANIEL HERBERT
BYNOE, FRANCIS.
CAESAR, WALTER.
CAINS, FITZ HERBERT… DIED 4thJanary, 1916
CALLAN, SILENCE —Returned unfit.
CAMPBELL NEWTON —Gr. No. 3, Armd Tm. E.E.T. Egypt.
CALLENDER, LUTHER JAMES.
CALLENDER, SCIPIO AUGUSTUS —Corporal, fought German E. Africa.
CALLISTE, JONIAS —Returned Medically unfit.
CAMPBELL, LEONARD JAMES —Accidentally Wounded 17th April, 1918.
CAMPBELL, WALTER.
CARRIDGE, NATHANIEL
CHARLES. CARTER, DOUGLAS —Returned Medically unfit.
CASIMIR, PHILIP —Returned Medically unfit.
CASSIDY, PATRICK JOHN-Sergeant, E.E.F., Egypt.
CATO, JOHN LOUIS —Private E.E.F.
CHAPMAN, ARTHUR MALCOLM.
CHARLES, JAMES NATHANIEL.
CHARLES ROBERT.
CLARKE, MILTON —No. 1 Platoon.
CLARKE, RUFUS ADOLPHUS.
CLEMENTS, JAMES WILLIAM —Returned Medically unfit.
CUFFIE, JOSEPH ALEXANDER —Returned Medically unfit.
COLLINS, VINCENT —Returned Medically unfit.
COURTENAY, CORNELIUS WILLIAM.
CROOKS, JAMES EGBERT YEATES.
CROUCHE, ALEXANDER CYRIL.
DADAM CHRISTOPHER.
DALLOO —Returned unfit.
DALRYMPLE, GEORGE SAMUEL
DALY, CHARLES.
DANIEL, GEORGE ALEXANDER.
DANIEL, HORATIO.
DARLINGTON, ALBERT PRINCE.
DARMANTE, EMANUEL —Returned Medically unfit.
DEARE, SAMUEL.
DEDIER, RICHARD.
DEFOE, BINU.
DELANEY, REGINALD.
DERRELL, EGBERT.
DERRICK, ALFRED.
DE CRAY, MCFIELD.
DE GANNES, ALBERT HUGH-Corporal, EA.E.F.
DE PAIVA, ANTONIO.
DE SILVA, RAYMOND —Returned Medically unfit.
DES VIGNES, JAMES ARTHUR-Lce.-Cpl …DIED 29th October, 1918.
DES VIGNES, JAMES RAYMOND —Corporal, Egypt.
DICK, GEORGE ALEXANDER —Pt. Awarded MILITARY MEDAL, 1918.
DICKSON, ERNEST.
DILLON, JOSEPHUS THOMAS-Sgt. Dispenser 3rd Ser. Batt., B.F..F. France.
DILLON, LEOPOLD.
DONALDSON, THOMAS ARMSTRONG.
DOOKAL —Returned unfit.
DORSET, HENRY JOHN.
DORSETT, JOHN EDWARD.
DOS SANTOS, ALAN PERCY CARLYLE —Sergt. Egypt, now Mesopotamia.
DOS SANTOS, JOSEPH —Pte. B. Co., 6th Platoon, 1st Serv. Bat., E.E.F.
DOUGLAS, WALTER.
DRAYTON, PHILIP WILLIAM.
DUKE, NATHAN.
DUNCAN, LAWRENCE.
DURIEUX, HUGH.
DYALL, VICTOR LEOPOLD —Private I. Co., E.E.F., Egypt.
EASTMAN, EDWIN.
EDGAR, EVANS.
EVANS, EDWARD —Capt. 6th Battn., B.W.I.R., Flanders.
EVERSLEY, DIAMOND.
FELIX, SYLVESTRE.
FENWICK, ALDFRED —Lance-Corpl. C. Co., 1st Serv. Batt., Egypt.
FERNANDEZ, JOSEPH.
FLEMMING, WILFRED.
FLYNN, PETER PAUL.
FORTUNE, JOSIAH.
FOX, MATTHEW WALTER.
FRANCIS ARTHUR
FRANCIS EMANUEL
FRANCIS WILSON.
FRANCOIS, PERCY DILLON —Lance Corporal.
FRANCOIS, ST. HILL.
FRANCOIS, THEODORE AUGUSTUS —Sergt. B. co., 1st Serv. Batt., Egypt.
FRASER, AUGUSTUS.
GAJADHAR, PAUL OLIVER —Returned Medically unfit.
GEORGE, BENTLEY.
GEORGE, PHILLIP.
GEORGE, SEIFORT —Returned Medically unfit.
GIBARO, ALEXANDER.
GILKES, ROBERT.
GITTENS, JOSHUA.
GLAUDE, CLEOPHUS MATHEW.
GONSALVES, ARTHUR (or GAFFOOR) —Returned unfit.
GONZALES, BERTIE ANTHONY ETHELBERT.
GONZALES, FREDERICK —Corporal, Egypt.
GOULD, GEORGE ANTHONY.
GRAINGER, URIAS PHILLIP.
GRANT, DANIEL
GRAVES, FITZ STEPHEN MAURICE.
GREENIDGE, JOSEPH BENJAMIN.
GRIFFITH, ALONZO.
GRIFFITH, BANIFIELD BERNARD CECIL —Corpi. B. Co., Egypt.
GRIFFITH, FRANCIS SAMUEL —Sergeant Farrier, Egypt.
GUDGRAJ, JOHN —Returned Medically unfit.
HAMILTON, MORRIS DONALD IFIL.
HARLEY, AUGUSTUS CHAPMAN —Corpl. B. Co., 1st Serv. Batt., Egypt.
HARPER, CLAUDE WALLACE —Sergeant, Egypt.
HARRINGTON, LLOYD GUSTON.
HARRIS, CHARLES HENRY.
HARRIS, REYNOLD SYLVESTRE.
HARRISON, LESLIE. HARRY, THEOPHILUS.
HENDY, HAYNES O’CONNELL —Sergt. E.E.F., Palestine.
HENLEY, HENRY ADOLPHUS —Returned Medically unfit.
HENRY, RENE NORMAN —Returned Medically unfit.
HERBERT, ALDFRED.
HERISSON, MELVILLE —Sergeant, Egypt.
HILLS, CALVERT.
HINDS, ROBERT.
HOLDER, CECIL FREDERICK.
HOLDER, THEOPHILUS DUDLEY.
HOOSAMBOCUS —Returned unfit. JOOSEIN, JAFFUR —Returned unfit.
HOYTE, GEORGE —Sent back for Misconduct.
HUMPHREY, BERKELEY.
HYNDMAN, CHRISTOPHER ADLOPHUS —Military Medal, 7/11/17.
HYPOUTE, PATRICK FLEMMING.
ISAAC, RANDOLPH. ISON, GILBY.
ISURA —Returned unfit.
JACKSON, MICHAEL —Private, Egypt.
JACOB, ADOLPHUS WILLIAM.
JACOBS, GEORGE HAMILTON …DIED January, 1916.
JACOB, SAMUEL.
JAMES, CHARLES MONTGOMERY.
JAMES, LUCIEN.
JAMES, THOMAS.
JAMES, WILLIAM. HEREMIAH, LEO DIED 12th October, 1918.
JOACHIM, ALFRED JAMES —Sergeant, Egypt.
JOAQUIN, ARTHUR ALFRED —RE. Mtd. Linesman Southern Canal Div.
JOEFIELD, O’CONNELL.
JOHN, CHARLES.
JOHN, ENOCH.
JOHNSTON, SYLVESTRE —Returned Medically unfit.
JONES, PERCY.
JOSEPH, ADOLPHUS ALISTER.
JOSEPH, ADOLPHUS THOMAS.
JOSEPH AUGUSTUS.
JOSEPH, MILFORD. KARIM, ABDOOL —Returned unfit.
KHAN OMEER —Returned unfit.
KHAN, NAGIR —Returned unfit.
KNIGHT, EDMUND.
KNIGHTS, JAMES NATHANIEL.
KUNDKNSINGH —Returned unfit.
LAGUERRE, EDWARD.
LAKE, LIONEL WHARTON —Sergeant, Egypt.
LAMOREL, HUBERT.
LANG, EVANS SAMUEL… DIED 4th June, 1918.
LA ROSA, FRANCIS DE SALES.
LAWRENCE, OSCAR ADOLPHUS.
LAYNE, ALBERT.
LAYNE, CHARLES LETCHMERE.
LEDEE, DONALD.
LEEKHAM, THEODORE MCCOLUN —Ag. Corpl. Military Medal.
LE GENDRE, LAWRENCE.
LENARD, HUGH.
 LEWIS, HERBERT.
LEWIS, RICHARD.
LIGERTWOOD, JAMES.
LINDSAY, DANIEL
LING, PHILIP —Returned Medically unfit.
LOGAN, THOMAS ALEXANDER.
LONDEA, HYPOLITE.
LORD, NORMAN ST. CLAIR.
LOWDIN —Returned unfit.
LUCAS, FELIX ALEXIS.
LUCES, MARIANO EGNACIO —Private Egypt.
LYNCH, ALBERT AUGUSTUS.
MACINTOSH ANDREW (‘Toby’) —Sergeant, German East Africa.
MAHASTE, JOHN.
MAHOMED, JOHN —Returned unfit.
MAHOMED, OMEER —Returned unfit.
MAHOMMED, DIN —Returned unfit.
MAINGOT, FELIX.
MALONEY, SAMUEL.
MARCELLINE, LUCOVIC.
MARQUES, LOUIS —Returned Medically unfit.
MARSHALL, ALLAN ALEXANDER —Gnr. 1st Serv. Bat., B. Co., Palestine.
MARTIN, CHARLES.
MARTIN, MARTIN WILLIAM.
MATHEW, THOMAS —Returned Medically unfit.
MAUGE, JOHN CECIL —Returned Medically unfit.
MAUGHN, JOSEPH.
MAXWELL, STEADY —Private Signaller E.E.F.
MAYERS, LAURIE PHILIP ARGON.
MEOSA, CELESTINO.
MERGER, HERMANS.
MILLER, SAMUEL
MITCHELL, HEZEKIAH.
MITCHELL, ROBINSON FRANCIS —Pte. 1st Battn. E.A.E.F., East Africa.
MODESTE, SHULE.
MOOLEA —Returned unfit.
MOORE, BLANCHPIELD DAVID —Private, Egypt.
MOORE, JACOB BENJAMIN —Returned Medically unfit.
MORALDO, JAMES ANTONIO… DIED 18th February, 1916.
MORGAN, JOHN… DIED December, 1917.
MORRIS, NATHANIEL FITZROY —Pte. E.E.P., Palestine.
MOSES, MANUEL.
MOSES, THOMAS.
MOTELEY, JAMES GEORGE.
McCOY, FITZGERALD.
McDONALD, JOHN
McINTOSH McINTOSH, CEDRIC.
McINTOSH, JAMES
McINTOSH, MARTIN ADOLPHUS.
McKENZIE, EDGAR.
McKIE, EDWARD.
McLEOD, JAMES.
NATHAN, WELLINGTON.
NATHANIEL, JAMES.
NELSON, EDWARD.
NELSON, JOSEPH.
NEVISON, HENRY.
NEWALLO, CLIFFORD.
NIMBLETT, NORMAN.
NOREIGA, LOUIS.
OKEIFFE, HUGH FORESTER.
OMETTA, ARCHIE.
OXLEY, JOSEPH —Returned Medically unfit.
PANTIN, JOEL.
PARKER, JOHN BADCOCK —Returned Medically unfit.
PARKS, JAMES.
PARRIS, BERESFORD GILBANKS.
PARRIS, CHARLES CYRIL ST. CLAIR.
PARRIS, JACOB.
PARRIS, THEOPHILUS.
PARRIS, THEOPHILUS JOSHUA.
PAUL, WHITFIELD —Returned Medically unfit.
PAYNE, EBENEZER WILFRED.
PAYNE, JONATHAN —Returned Medically unfit.
PENA, CHARLES OSWALD —Sergt. B. Co., 1st. Serv. Batt., Egypt.
PENA, NIA-M.
PERRY, SAMUEL.
PETERS, ARCHIBALD… DIED 17th February, 1916.
PETERS, CADMAN.
PHILLIPS, NATHANIEL… DIED 9th November, 1915.
PHILLIPS, NATHANIEL —Returned Medically unfit.
PHILLIPS, OLIVER —Returned Medically unfit.
PIERRE, ALBERT FREDERICK ERNEST —Sergeant, Egypt.
PIERRE, ALSTON.
PIERRE, LAWRENCE.
PILLAY NADARAJAH —Returned unfit.
PINDER, EDMUND… DIED 23rd March, 1917. PINTO, JOHN BAPTISTE.
POLLONAIS, ALBERT LIONEL —Company Sergeant-Major.
PROVIDENCE, JAMES —Returned Medically unfit.
PRENTICE, MOSES… DIED 28th November, 1916.
PURCELL, ALEXANDER CRESS.
RAHAMAN, ABDOOL —Returned unfit.
RAM, OUDA —Returned unfit.
RAMNATH —Returned unfit.
RAMSAY RUFUS ADOLPHUS.
RATMAH —Returned unfit.
RAWLINS, RONALD
ROWLAND RODERICK —Sergt. E.E.F., Egypt.
REID, LOUIS-Corpl… DIED 26th December, 1918.
REGIS, EGBERT.
RENNES, EDWARD.
RICHARDS, FITZ HERBERT.
RILEY, BENJAMIN.
ROACH, FREDERICK LANCELOT —Corporal, 1st Battn., E.E.F.
ROBERTS, CHARLES. ROBERTS, NEVILLE.
ROBERTSON, FREDERICK WILLIAM —Returned Medically unfit.
ROMNEY, THOMAS SOLOMON —Sergeant.
ROSTANT, ANDRE —Reported a deserter in Egypt.
ROSTANT, EMANUEL EVAN.
ROSTER, CHARLES.
RUBIN, FELIX.
RUDOLFO, JOSEPH.
RUDOLFO, PHILIP EMANUEL.
RUSSELL, EDMUND EDWARD —Corpi. B. Co., 1st Battn., E.E.F., Egypt.
SAHALU —Returned unfit.
SAMPSON, JONATHAN.
SAMUEL, ALBERT.
SAMUEL, ALBERT.
SAMUEL, THEOPHILUS-CORPORAL, E.E.F.
SAMUEL, JOSEPH.
SAROOPRACHPAUL.
SAVARY, LIONEL… DIED 3rd September, 1917.
SCHOON, THOMAS BEGGS.
SCOTT, ARTHUR.
SCOTT, MOSES.
SEALES, JOSEPH SLOAN.
SUBLAL —Returned unfit.
SERRANO, JOSEPH.
SHERIFF, JOHN MILFORD.
SHURLAND, CLIFFORD ALEXANDER.
SIMON, CHARLES
SIMEON, JOHN GARNET.
SIMMONS, CHARLES.
SINGH, DOUG —Returned unfit.
SKEETE, ZADOK —Private, Egypt.
SMALL, RAPHAEL ARTHUR —Gunner, I Co., 1st Batt., B.E.A.RF.
SMALL, SIMEON.
SMITH, JOSEPH EMMANUEL… DIED 18th August, 1918.
SOBERS, ALEXANDER.
SOLOMON, ALEXANDER… DIED 10th October, 1918.
SONGSTER, JAMES LEICESTER
SONGSTER, SAMUEL… DIED 12th November, 1916.
SOOGANSINGH —Returned unfit.
SOOJATTKHAN —Returned unfit.
STANFORD, REGINALD ADOLPHUS —Returned Medically unfit.
STEPHEN, JOSEPH.
STEPHEN, LUCIEN… DIED 27th December, 1915.
STERLING, VINCENT MATHIAS.
STEWART, AMBROSE —Returned Medically unfit.
ST. CLAIR, McKAY —Returned Medically unfit.
ST. LOUIS, O’CONAL
SULTANTSINGH-Returned unfit.
SUTTON, WILMOT ARTHUR.
TAITT, MARTIN LUTHER.
TEIJMUL, JOSEPH-Returned unfit.
TELESFORD, JOSEPH LOUIS.
THOMAS, ABRAHAM.
THOMAS, JAMES.
THOMAS, JOSEPH.
THOMAS, JOSEPH MICHAEL.
THOMAS, MARTIN LUTHER.
THOMAS, RALPH CALAPHAS-Pte. 1st Battn., Egypt.
THOMAS, THEOPHILUS GERMANS.
THOMAS, WILFRED.
THOMPSON, ALFRED WILLIAM.
TITRE, HARRY AUGUSTUS.
TORAILLE, FELIX CHARLES-Returned Medically unfit.
TOTA —Returned Medically unfit.
TOUSSAINT, BERNARD RANDOLPH.
TROTMAN, CHARLES EMANUEL
TROTMAN, ELIAS ALEXANDER JOSEPHUS.
TURPIN, RICHARD —Lce-Cpl …Distinguished Conduct Medal
VALDEZ, ANDREW.
VALENTINE, ROBERT AUGUSTUS —Sergeant, Egypt.
VANDERPOOL, ALBERT —Returned Medically unfit.
VASCONCELLOS, JULES LOUIS —Lance-Corporal, Egypt.
VIALVA, EDIL.
WAITHE, JAMES JULIEN —Corpl. C. Co., 1st Serv. Battm., Palestine.
WALCOTT, O’DONNELL JOHN.
WALLACE, CHARLES.
WATSON, CHARLES LANCELOT —Returned Medically unfit.
WATSON, EDGAR NEVILLE —Lance-Cpl., Egypt-Now Ag. Co. Qtr. Mstr..
WEEKES, DUNCAN —Returned Medically unfit.
WILFORD, FRANCIS PERCY.
WILLIAMS, HAMILTON JOHN.
WILLIAMS, HENRY HAMILTON —Returned Medically unfit.
WILLIAMS, JAMES —Sent back for misconduct.
WILLIAMS, JAMES.
WILLIAMS, JOHN —Returned Medically unfit.
WILLIAMS, THOMAS.
WILLIAMS, THOMAS.
WOOD, FITZ HERBERT.
WORRELL, AUGUSTUS.
WORRELL, OSCAR LONGSFORD —Pte. B. Co., 1st Serv. Bat., BE. Africa.
WRIGHT, ADOLPHUS CHARLES… DIED 24th January, 1918.
WYNNE, JOSEPHUS.
YEARWOOD ALBERT.
YEARWOOD, CEPHAS.
YOUNG, JAMES.
ZOE, DONATION.

Major [Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel] Arneaud de Boissière, British West Indies Regiment

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Maj. [T./Lt:Col.]  Arneaud de Boissière

Mention in a Despatch of Maj. (T./Lt:Col.] W.H.A. de Boissière, 8th Bn., signed by Winston Churchill

A letter of farewell to Arneaud de Boissière from the villagers of Boissière Village, Maraval, Trinidad, a village on the de Boissière estate of Champs Elysées (1917)
The signatories of Boissière Village: Peter Lalbiharie, S.E.V. Madhoo (soldier), Gregson E. de Silva (soldier), Alfred Uriah (soldier), Felix Stewardt, Alexander Nancoo, Valleton Went (soldier), Simon Jack (soldier), Joseph Alphonse (soldier) and Allan Hinkson. (The soldiers would have been members of one of the earlier British West Indian Regiments, and might have seen service in the Boer War or in the Gambia.)
A letter of welcome to Arneaud de Boissière from the Immigration Department upon his return from serving in World War I in 1919. Identifiable signatories: ..., Cadiz, Lohun, Lohun 
Continuation of list of signatories to the 1919 letter. Identifiable signatories: Gopaul, Rajnauth, Morgan, Murali, Harriram, Murzanali, Bastien, Chittarsingh

Roll of Honour from the C.I.C. Annual 1919 "War Memorial Number", St. Mary's College of the Immaculate Conception, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad. (Pte Carlos Pollonais, Lt. Gordon Burke, Surgeon-Lt. Roger Fortier, Rv. Fr. Henri Nouais, Lt. Jacques de Boissière, Lt. W. Schoener Miller, Sergeant Antoine Lota.) 

Lt. Neville Grell, Lt. Wilfred Bishop, Trooper Harold Knox, Surgeon Lt. Fernand de Verteuil, Pte. Oliver McLean, Pte. James Eversley, Lt. Cecil Scott

Lance Corporal McCollin Leekam, Trinidad Contingent, B.W.I. Regiment awarded Military Medal, 1918

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Lance Corporal McCollin Leekam of Trinidad is awarded his medal in 1918 by Major General Sir E.W.C Chaytor (Photo: Clint Grant)


Lance Corporal T.M. Leekam, along with other volunteers of St. Mary's College, as depicted in the C.I.C. Annual 1919 "War Memorial Number", St. Mary's College of the Immaculate Conception, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad.

Slave Uprisings

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In the period following the establishment of the plantation system in Trinidad (1783) and especially after the dramatic and devastating events of the slave uprisings in Haiti, the planters grew increasingly afraid in Trinidad. Already, there had been the terrible effects of poisoning on many estates. Not only slaves had fallen victim of poisoners, but also overseers and sometimes the children of the master and one of his favourites.
Rumours of a planned uprising spread. A conspiracy was meant to wipe out the slave-owning population of Trinidad in one go. Over the years it has been suggested by some historians, however, that this was not so much a conspiracy halted ‘in the nick of time’, as much as it was a preemptive measure mounted by planters who were hysterically afraid for their lives and a British administration only too eager to impose authoritarian rule.
It would appear that some sort of plot was planned for Christmas day 1805. Historian E.L. Joseph in his ‘History of Trinidad’ (1838) calls attention to this plot and states that “the revolt was to have commenced on Shand’s Estate. It appeared to have originated among some French and African Negroes.”
In Fraser’s History, mention is also made of this terrible incident. He points out that the slave population was some 20,000, while the slave-owning, white and free coloured inhabitants were half that number.
History tells us that the authorites acted by declaring martial law and moved swiftly to apprehend those involved. As it turned out, the slaves had organised themselves into various societies. This was not unusual as in their African homelands there were many such secret groupings, denoting advancement into maturity and initiation into tribal rites.
In the context of Trinidad’s slave society, where members of various tribes were mixed and mingled on plantations for security reasons, these groupings or societies of Africans continued, but had assimilated European systems of order and designation. The slaves started to give themselves names such as ‘Major’ or ‘Captain’ and described their societies as ‘Regiments’.

By His Excellency Thomas Hislop
Proclamation of Martial Law in Trinidad
(abridged from the Barbados Mercury and Bridgetown Gazette, February 1st, 1806)

“Whereas there are strong reasons to apprehend that this Colony is threatened with internal dangers from the nefarious machinations of ill-disposed negroes and slaves in this community: And His Majesty’s Council of the said Island having recommended me to adopt the measure of Martial Law.
All persons must suffer temporary and individual inconvenience for the general welfare of the community. Notice is hereby given that the several patrols will be ordered to take up all negro and other slaves, who shall be found in any of the streets of Port of Spain, after eight o’clock at night and to lodge them in security during the night. Such negro or other slave who may be found to have offended against any of the ordinances now in existence will be immediately punished with death, or otherwise, according to the regulations of the said ordinances. All such negro or other slave attempting to escape from the patrols will be immediately shot. All persons concerned are therefore required to make the same known to their several slaves.”

Punishment of persons found guilty of conspiracy in contemplated insurrection of slaves
(abridged from the Barbados Mercury and Bridgetown Gazette, February 1st, 1806)

Roo - Colonel in the Cocorite Regiment to have both his ears cut off, to receive as severe a flogging as the Surgeon attending may think he can bear without injuring his life, and to be banished from the Colony, not to return to it under pain of death.

Bastian - Colonel in the Sans-Peur Regiment, Carenage, to receive one hundred lashes and to be returned to his owner, first having an iron ring of ten pounds weight affixed to one of their legs, to remain thereon for the space of two years.

Adelaide Dison - alias Buzotter, free woman - Queen of the Macaque Regiment, to work in chains for life, with an iron ring of ten pounds weight affixed to one of her legs.

(Source: C.B. Franklin's Selected Papers, published in "The Book of Trinidad", Besson/Brereton, Paria Publishing Co. Ltd.)

Trinidadians who served in World War I

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The Trinidad Contingent of the West India Regiment in World War I, serving in Egypt and Palestine



Lieut.-Col. Harragin

Lance-Cpl. Julien

Lieutenant Colonel Harragin and Lance-Corporal Julien

Lieutenant Colonel Harragin joined the Police Force (then Constabulary) on 1st February, 1905, as a Sub-Inspector and rose to the rank of Deputy Inspector-General on 5th September, 1936. Colonel Harragin left the colony on 5th August, 1915, with the first battalion of the B.W.I. Regiment to serve in the Great War, in which he and his battalion distinguished themselves against the Turks in the charge on the Damieh Bridgehead in the Jordan Valley, Palestine. The charge drove the enemy from his entrenched positions, the B.W.I. Regiment capturing 200 prisoners and seven machine guns with one killed and some wounded. Colonel Harragin was awarded the D.S.O. as a direct result.
Amongst those who saw action in the Jordan valley that day was Lance-Corporal Julien, a former Policeman as well, who received the D.C.M.  for valourious service.
On his return to Trinidad, Colonel Harragin took up his regular duties in the Police Force. Lieutenant Colonel Harragin and Sergeant Julien were two of many Police officers and Constables who saw action in both the First and Second World Wars and served with valour and distinction.



Capt A.A. Cipriani


DAMIEH
Captain A. A. Cipriani

It was on the historic Jordan that the little band of West Indians was destined to cover itself with glory. ‘Damieh’—the name that will be always nearest the heart—here it was that we put paid to  the Turks and gave the lie to our detractors who said that our men would not stand up under fire. The Battalion, supported by the Auckland Rifles, went into action in artillery formation with the same calm as if they had been on ordinary parade, and in spite of being subjected to heavy fire in the early stages of the advance, never faltered for a single moment, seemingly heedless of the enemy’s fire.
This steady advance rather ‘put the wind up’ the already demoralised Turk, who nothing loath, cut sticks very speedily. Driven from Chalk and Barka Hills he made for the Damieh bridgehead where he came foul of the 1st Batt. Lewis-gunners, who opened such a terrific  fire that not a single Turk succeeded in crossing. Failing in this, the Turks made their last turn for the Es Salt Hills, the battle resolving itself into a chase.
Earlier in the day, part of the 1st, under Major Harragin, charged up the Damieh hillsides, driving ‘Johnnie’ from his entrenched position and capturing 200 prisoners and 7 machine-guns, with one killed and six wounded. The 2nd Battalion had 6 killed and 40 wounded in the assault on the Chalk and Barka Hills.
The Turkish army was now in full flight, making their way home up the Es Salt Hills 3,000 feet up and over goat tracks. Our men, flushed with victory, followed without any rest, with little food and water, in the hope of coming up with them again at Amman, where the Divisional Commander had promised them another scrap. After a few hours’ rest, a forced march through the night brought them to Amman just too late, as our friends the Anzacs had already captured the village.
From this point onward there was no further use for infantry, and the little Regiment that had acquitted itself so well at the first time of asking were thereby deprived  of any other chance of showing their mettle. To add insult to injury, our tired and disappointed chaps were ordered back to Jericho to refit, and the march back was left to the Second-in-Command, a Major Bensley, a rare old ‘fuss-pot’, very intelligent and learned but without an ounce of ordinary horse sense. The men were marched nearly the whole of the next day, without a halt, through a blinding, suffocating dust, and a temperature well nigh 100% in the shade.
Already the effects of that terrible malaria which claimed such a toll from the British forces in Palestine had begun to be felt in the Regiment, and officers and men fell by the road-side like flies. Many who had escaped the Turkish bullets two days previously were now being flurried through Clearing Stations to the nearest hospitals, where a great many paid the supreme sacrifice. Of 2,300 men and 40 officers who took the field on that October morning only 500 returned to Jericho. Nearly 90% had contracted pernicious malaria, and up to this day a great many are suffering from its effects.
The work of the B.W.I. Regiment was a revelation to G.H.Q., who were not slow to mark their appreciation. On the day following the battle General Allenby called in person on our wounded in the hospital at Jerusalem and thanked them for their good work. Recognition from the great soldier in person was a very great compliment, and one which will always be remembered by officers and men.
Major Harragin was awarded the D.S.O., Captain Craig the M.C., Major Thomas bar to the M.C., Sergeant Julien the D.C.M.
Apart from those mentioned in despatches, Lieuts. Knaggs, Perkins and Boyd did specially good work and were unlucky not to score a ribbon.
The following was issued to all units:—
“I desire to convey to all ranks and all arms of the force under my command my admiration and thanks for their great deeds of the past week, and my appreciation of their gallantry and determination, which have resulted in the total destruction of the 7th and 8th Turkish Armies opposed to us.
Such a complete victory has seldom been known in all the history of war.”

EDMOND ALLENBY, 
General. 
C.-I.-C.


BWI Troops Palestine; RSM P Flynn with foot on wheel

BWI Troops outside Church Palestine 1914-1918

BWI Troops Palestine 1914-1918
The Sergeants of the British West India Regiment in Palestine, First World War
(four photographs courtesy Paul Ironside)






Postcards from Trinidadian Soldiers in World War I








Trinidadian Officers of the 8th W.I. Regiment stationed in Italy in 1914–1918

Lt. Col. A. de Boissière, Mayor Smith, Capt. McLelland, Capt. Arrindell, Capt. Mac Minn, Capt. Niblock, Lieut. Pittam, Lieut. Massy, Lieut. Morton, Lieut. Ince, Ho. Lt. & Q.M. Wilshire, 2/Lieut. Smith, 2/Lieut. Smith, 2/Lieut. Cooper, 2/Lieut. Skeete, 2/Lieut. Kirton, 2/Lieut. Manning, 2/Lieut. Walcott, 2/Lieut. Elridge, 2/Lieut. McDonald, Capt. Henry, Capt. O’Brien, Surg-Capt. Deane.


Letter by Capt. A.A. Cipriani to Col. Dueros, 1914

October 27th, 1914
49 Marine Square,
Port of Spain.  


Colonel A. Dueros,  
Dear Sir,
Your notice in The Times asking Colonials who wish to join the Colours to write to you or to apply in person at the White City has attracted my attention. And there are many men of good physique and education in the Colony, and throughout the West Indies, who are eager and who will be proud to enlist. I called on Saturday last, the 24th instant, asking if you will accept a contingent from this place. l am awaiting your reply. It is necessary that I should fully explain the object of my cable and facts as they are in these parts.
Trinidad is an island, the most southern of the British West Indies; a reference to a map will show they are like stepping stones in the Caribbean. The population throughout is very mixed—white, black and all shades, from the weakest cafe-au-lait to the strongest black, East Indians, Chinese, etc.
Those willing to enlist are of the better class and educated. The cables and papers are read with avidity by them, and so far as West Indians are concerned, the addresses of Lord Kitchener, Messrs. Asquith, Churchill and Lloyd George will not be in vain if their respective local legislatures will but vote the pittance needed to get the men to the Old Country.
We are four thousand and some odd miles from the Old Country and the lowest fare is £17.10. A few men have left, and a few more are leaving on their own, but the majority cannot afford it.
I have little doubt that if the services of our men will be accepted by the War Office, our local Government, or public will see that they are sent to the Old Country.
West Indians have realised that it is a fight to a finish, that not only is the existence of the Mother Country at stake, but the very Empire, of which we are all proud to be apart. We should feel not only isolated, but slighted, if our services are declined when men are still wanted to keep the flag flying. In this Colony, at least 500 men between the ages of 20 and 40 can be mustered within a few days; men of education and good physique, and I have no doubt 4,000 similar men can be mustered throughout the West Indies in a short time. All we need is just the consent ‘Come along.’
In Major de Boissière, who was one of the contingent at the Diamond Jubilee of the late Queen Victoria and the late King Edward’s Coronation, and who has acted as A.D.C. to Her Highness Princess Marie Louise of Schleswig-Holstein, we have a man who commands a following of all classes and colours. He has volunteered for service, but for some reason our Government will not grant him leave of absence. Our men are of no earthly use in these parts, as invasion is most improbable. Transatlantic Zeppelin flight has not yet been dreamt of and the enemy has no available transport, as their nearest possession is in Africa. We are bottled up here, but we are eager to get out to assist the Mother Country. If you would use your influence in getting our little lot taken into service, this Colony, and the West Indies, will be deeply grateful.

I beg to remain,
Faithfully yours,
ARTHUR A. CIPRIANI.




List of some young women from Trinidad and Tobago serving abroad during the First World War


The following are but a few of the many representing Trinidad who were employed in the Great War:  

ALSTON, MILDRED —Refreshment Branch, War Work (Now Mrs. Martin).
ALSTON, WINIFRED —Red Cross Nurse.
ATKINSON, HAZEL —Ambulance Work, France.
ATKINSON, MAUD.
AUSTIN, MARIE ESTELLE BRUCE —Admiralty Office.
BRODIE, ALICE MAY —Red Cross Nurse.
GOODEN-CHISHOLM, MAIRI —Associate of the Baronness de T’serclases in the work of rendering First Aid to the wounded at Pervyse, and succouring Belgian soldiers in the trenches under shell fire.
CLARKE, MAY RADCLIFFE.
CLEMENS, Miss.
CORDER, GRACE —Acting Matron, Q.A.I.M.N.S.R. Awarded the Royal Red Cross Decoration, 1st Class. (Assistant Matron Colonial Hospital, Trinidad).
DAVIDSON, GRACE —Red Cross Nurse, Edinburgh.
DICKSON, ISABEL RAEBURN —V.A.D., Darrel Hospital (Now Mrs. Taperell).
DOYLE, KATHLEEN —V.A.D., hospital near Regent’s Park.
ECCLES, WINIFRED.
FENWICK, STELLA —V.A.D. Hospital, Margate. Owing to frequency of bombs in that locality, this hospital was closed. She is now at Michie Hospital, Queensgate.
GREIG, DOROTHY —C.P.O. Women’s Royal Naval Service. Was 6 months at R.F.C., and 6 months at Tank Station. In charge of 22 cars and girls.
HARRAGIN, MAVIS —V.A.D., 3rd London General Hospital.
HAMEL-SMITH, MAY —V.A.D., London Hospital.
HAVELOCK, Mrs. E.W. —Red Cross Nurse.
HATT, EDNA —Steno-typist, Air Board, London.
HENDY, MAY EULALIE —V.A.D. Serving in St. John’s Red Cross Hospital, Great Malvern, Worcestershire, (England).
JEFFERS, AUDREY.
KNAGGS, RUTH —V.A.D., Cheltenham.
KNAGGS, BARBARA —Munition Worker, Newcastle.
KNAGGS, PHYLLIS —V.A.D., Cheltenham.
KNAGGS, HILDA —V.AD., Cheltenham.
LAMBIE, DORIS —Red Cross Nurse.
MARWOOD, FLORA.
MILLEE, ETHEL —V.A.D., Hospital, Aberdeen.
MUNN, MAUD A. —Red Cross Nurse. Died 1st December, 1918, U.S.A.
RAPSEY, GERTRUDE —Red Cross Nurse, London Hospital. (Now Mrs. Hird).
RUSSELL, Mrs. LEILA —One of three Adjudicators on Objectors to Active Service. (Other two being men).
SCOTT, SYBIL —Driver of Automobile at Naval Base.
SOLlS, MARIA —Red Cross Nurse, U.S.A.
TAYLOR, ElSIE —Red Cross Nurse.
THOMSON, GRETA —Red Cross Nurse, London.
THOMSON, MINNIE —Red Cross Nurse, London.
TOMUNSON, MAY.
WHARTON, MURIEL —Munition factory.
WHARTON, VIOLET —Red Cross Nurse.
WILSON, Mrs. TERTIUS —Refreshment Branch —refreshments to Returned Soldiers at Victoria Station.


List of some French men from Trinidad who served in World War I




Dear Boys of Ours  

‘They would not have us weep, 
Dear boys of ours whom we have lost awhile. 
Rather they’d have us keep 
Brave looks, and lips that tremble to a smile. 
They would not have us grieve, 
Dear boys of ours whose valiant hearts are stilled; 
Nor would they have us leave 
OUR task undone; OUR service unfulfilled.’  

Roll of Honour 

AGOSTINI, HENRI —Brigadier to the 31st Regiment of Artillery, DIED in Hospital, 28th January, 1915. (War Cross). 
DUBANTON, MAXIME-ALBERT —Pte. to the 7th Regt. of Colonial Infantry. DIED in Hospital, 19th May, 1915. 
DECORI, DOMINIQUE —Private to the 8th Regiment of Colonial Infantry. KILLED in action at Manastir, 9th May, 1917. 
LIMONGI, JOSEPH-JEAN —Pte. to the 144th Regt. of Cavalry. KILLED in action at Craonne, 13th May, 1917. 
DRANGUET, GEORGES-LOUIS —Sub-Lieut. to the 92nd Regt. of Infantry. KILLED in action at Verdun, 23rd August, 1917. 
NOUAIS, HENRI-MARIE —Interpreter in the British Army. KILLED on the 4th February, 1918. Awarded War Cross Posthumously. 
BARIOU, ANTOINE-CLAUDIUS —Pupil Officer to the 358th Regt., of Infantry. KILLED in action 21st July, 1918, at Sept-Saulx. (War Cross.) 
LOTA, ANTOINE-JEAN-BAPTISTE —Sub-Ljeut, to the 59th Battn., of the Alpine Chasseurs. KILLED in action at Bois is Tournelle (Fére en Tardenois) 28th July, 1918. (War Cross.) 
FORTIER, JEAN ROGER —Auxiliary Doctor to the 152nd Regt. of Infantry. KILLED in action at Ostniewkerke (Belgium) on the 30th September, 1918. (War Cross).    


On Service

AGOSTINI, LOUIS-ANDRÉ —Quarter Master to the 31st Dragoons. 
AGOSTINI, MARIE-JOSEPH-FRANCOIS (alias ‘Frank’) —Sergt. Postman to the 4th Regt. of Zouaves. 
AGUTRRE, JEAN-BAPTISTE —Pte. to the 142nd Regt. of Infantry. 
ALBERT, PIERRE-CHARLES —Corpl. to the 11th Regt. of Foot Artillery. Trans. to 75th Regiment, and was in many battles on the Western front. In action at Verdun, and Fleury. Was GASSED once. Honoured as Marechal de Logis. Returned to Trinidad 28th February, 1919. 
ALBERT, VICTOR-HUGHES —Pte. to the 166th Regt. of Infantry. 
CARLIN, DURAND —Pte. to the 144th Regt. of Infanry. COLONNA, JEAN-MARIE —Pte. to the 7th Regt. of Artillery. 
CREMONE, ISRAEL —Pte. to a Regiment of Infantry. 
DICANOT, JULES —Pte. to the 129th Regt. of Infantry. 
DUMAR, TÉLESPHORE —Pte. to a Regiment of Infantry. 
FORTIER, ROGER —Auxiliary Doctor to the 152nd Regiment of Infantry. (War Cross.) 
JOAS, JUSTIN —Pte. to a Regiment of Infantry. 
LOTA, VICTOR —Auxiliary Doctor to the 4th Engineer Corps. (Was taken prisoner in Belgium and released). 
MAJANI, DOMINIQUE-ANDRÉ —Chauffeur, Section of Tractors of Heavy Artillery. 
MAJANI, JEAN —Pay-Sergt. to the 44th Regt. of Infantry. 
OLIVIERI, ANTOINE —Pte. to the 44th Regt. of Infantry. 
PALAZZI, JEAN-PIERRE-FÉLICIEN —Sergt. to the 69th Regt. of Infantry. (War Cross.) 
PERRIN, ALPHONSE —Sailor in the Mediterranean Sea Fleet. Returned to Trinidad, 28th February, 1919. 
PHELAN, JOSEPH-GREGORY —Sergt. to the 123rd Regt. of Infantry. Now Sub-Lieutenant. (War Cross). Left Trinidad 3rd August, 1914. 
PIERI, CHARLES-PHILIPPE —Pte. to the Corsican Regt. of Infantry. 
QUESNEL, ANDRÉ-ROBERT-MARIE-ALFRED —Quarter Master Interpreter in the British Army.-Awarded British Military Medal. 
QUESNEL, MAURICE-ROBERT-HENRI-GEORGES —Interpreter in the British Army. 
ROLLIN, PIERRE —Pte. to the 99th Regt. of Infantry. (War Cross). 
SAULNY, EUGENE —Pte. 23rd section of the Medical Corps. 
SOTER, CEUEN-FLORIUS —Pte. to the 129th Regiment of Infantry.


Taken from a publication that gave the ‘List of Public Contingents from Trinidad’. This material was made available to us by Gregor Duruty.  





List of Silver War Badges awarded to Trinidadians serving in World War I


Presented to the following Returned N.C.O.’s and Men of the British West Indies Regiment, at the Queen’s Park Savannah, on Saturday 19th October, 1918, by the Commandant of the Local Forces, the Hon. Colonel G.H. May; V.D. (in the unavoidable absence of His Excellency, the Governor and Commander-in-Chief).

Returned to Trinidad 3/11/1915. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena’
COLLINS, V.

Returned to Trinidad, 5/5/1916. Ex. S.S. ‘Siena’
MAUGE O.
CLEMENTS W.J.

Returned to Trinidad 26/8/1916. Ex S.S. ‘Europa’
BOUCAUD, J.
CALLAN, SILENCE,
CASIMIR, P.
COZIER, R.T.H.
DONAWA, R.
GABRIEL, U.
HENLEY, H.A.-Sergt.
MARK, WA.
MARQUES, L.
MOORE, J.B.
RICHARDSON, J.
TOTA.

Returned to Trinidad 22/9/1916
Ex. R.M.S. ‘Chaudiere’
BARTHOLOMEW, W.
BLENMAN, H.
CARTER, D.
DARMANIE, E.
HENRY, R.N.
HUSBANDS, H.
JOHNSON, S.
PAUL, W.
PAYNE, J.
PERKINS, MB.
PHILLIP, N.
PROVIDENCE, J.
ROBERTSON, F.W.
ST. CL&IR, McKAY
STANFORD, R.A.
TORAILLE, F.C.
WEEKES, D.

Returned to Trinidad, 8/12/1916. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena’
AKIE, H.
CLARKE, J.-Corporal
CUFFIE, JA.
DE SILVA, R.
DOTTIN, A. MCD.
LING, P-Lance-Corporal
MATHEW, T.
OXLEY, J.
PARKER, J.B.
PHILLIPS, 0.
STEWART, A.
WATSON, CL-Lance —Corporal

Returned to Trinidad, 3/7/1917. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena
ALEXANDER, H.C.
CALLENDER, C.
COLLYMORE, R.
LYNCH R.
MILLINGTRON, J.
VANDERPOOL, A.

Returned to Trinidad, 4/12/1917. Ex. R.M.S. ‘Magdalena
BENN, J.
CLARKE, C.
IA CAILLE, J.
LEWIS, H.
STIRLING, P.
GUMBS, J.


First Trinidad Contingent British West Indies Regiment Officers, World War I

Trinidadians flock to enlist at the start of the First World War. This photograph was taken in front of the Town Hall on Knox Street, Port of Spain, by Gregor Duruty in 1914.


Major ALLASTAIR MURRAY MCCULLOCH, —now Captain.
Capt. ALFRED ERNEST ALBERT HARRAGIN, —now Major (MC.)
Capt. ERNEST BOVELL CONNELL, —now 2nd Leut.
Capt. HERBERT JAMES LAWRENCE CAVENAUGH.
2nd Lieut. UALLEAN HAMISH MCU. GOODEN-CHISHOLM, now Lt. R.A.F.
2nd Lieut. ALEXANDER STURROCK LOWSON, —now Capt. and Adjt.
2nd Lieut. LEONARD RICHMOND WHEELER, —now Lieut.
2nd Lieut. ROBERT PHILIP JOHNSTON —now Captain.
2nd Lieut. EDWARD VIVIAN BYNOE, —now Lieut.
2nd Lieut. JOHN PATRICK THOMPSON —now Lt. (Ag. Capt. and Adjt.)
2nd Lieut. EDMUND RICHARD UCKFOLD, —now Lt. (attached RA.F.)
Surg.-Capt. Albert James Clarke.
ABDULA-Returned unfit.
ABRAHAM, HUBERT BERTIE …DIED 23rd October, 1918.
ACHE, LOUIS FELIX.
ADAMS, AUBREY-Sergeant. Wounded in thigh.
ADAMS, NORMAN A —Lance-Corporal, Egypt.
AKIE, HENRY-Returned Medically unfit.
ALEXANDER, LUCIEN …… Accidentally killed, 19th June, 1917.
ALEXANDER, HENRY CLAUDE —Returned Medically unfit.
ALEXANDER, ‘WILFRED —Lance Corporal.
ALLEN, JOSEPH. ALLI, SIRDAR —Returned unfit.
ALLICK, JAMES.
ALLUM, CHARLES RAMSEY.
ANDERSON, CHARLES —sent back from England.
ANDREWS, JAMES.
ANDREWS, STEDMAN.
ANTOINE, CANA.
ANTOINE, FORTUNE.
ANTOINE, PETER.
ANTOINE, SAMUEL.
ARNEAUD, EMANUEL —C. Co., 1st Batt. B.M.E.F.
ASH, JAMES.
ASHBY FITZ CLARENCE —Corpl. Mesopotamia, Acting Quarter-Master.
ASHBY, LAWRENCE.
ASSAI, JAMES
ALBERT. AUSTIN, FRANK …DIED 12th October, 1918.
AUSTIN, HENRY AUGUSTUS.
AUSTIN, JAMES
BABB, EDWARD —Machine Gunner.
BAGWANSINGH —Returned from England.
BALWANT —Returned unfit.
BAPTISTE, ANDREW DE VIRE.
BAPTISTE, EVANS.
BAPTISTE, FREDERICK MOSES.
BAPTISTE, JERRY A. —Lance Corporal, Egypt.
BARNEU, GEORGE.
BARNWELL, ADOLPHUS ERNEST —Sergeant, Egypt.
BARROW, HEADLEY.
BARTHOLOMEW, WESLEY —Returned Medically unfit.
BASTIEN, JOHN. BEHARRY, LAL —Returned unfit.
BENJAMIN, REZY.
BERNARD, NORMAN. BERTETE, HENRY —Private, Egypt. BHOLAH —Returned unfit.
BHOORISINGH —Returned unfit.
BISHOP, DELSON.
BLENMAN, GEORGE WILBERT.
BLENMAN, HUBERT —Returned Medically unfit.
BOBB, ARTHUR.
BOMARSINGH —Returned unfit.
BONNETT, AARON … DIED 27th April,1916.
BOUCAUD, JOHN —Returned Medically unfit.
BOYD, HENRY…DIED October (?) 1918.
BRACKENREED, JAMES-Sergeant, E.E.F. Egypt.
BRATHWAITE, MALCOLM ATHELSTAIN… DIED October (?) 1918.
BRATHWAITE, NATHANIEL.
BRATHWAITE, THEODORE.
BRIDGEWATER, URIAS —Drummer, O. Co., 1st Sew. Battalion.
BRIGGS, GEORGE HUBERT AUGUSTUS.
BROWNE, LEONARD FITZGERALD…DIED 19th August, 1918, Italy.
BRUCE, JAMES DOLLY —Signalling Sergt. B. Co., 1st Bat. M.E.F. Egypt.
BRYAN, CHARLES ISIDORE —Lce-Cpl. Served Ger. E.A.F. Invalided Egypt
BUDALOOSINGH —Returned unfit.
BUNTIN, ALFRED WASHINGTON…DIED 13th January, 1919.
BURKE, FRANCIS ALBERT.
BURNETE, JOSEPH NATHANIEL HERBERT
BYNOE, FRANCIS.
CAESAR, WALTER.
CAINS, FITZ HERBERT… DIED 4thJanary, 1916
CALLAN, SILENCE —Returned unfit.
CAMPBELL NEWTON —Gr. No. 3, Armd Tm. E.E.T. Egypt.
CALLENDER, LUTHER JAMES.
CALLENDER, SCIPIO AUGUSTUS —Corporal, fought German E. Africa.
CALLISTE, JONIAS —Returned Medically unfit.
CAMPBELL, LEONARD JAMES —Accidentally Wounded 17th April, 1918.
CAMPBELL, WALTER.
CARRIDGE, NATHANIEL
CHARLES. CARTER, DOUGLAS —Returned Medically unfit.
CASIMIR, PHILIP —Returned Medically unfit.
CASSIDY, PATRICK JOHN-Sergeant, E.E.F., Egypt.
CATO, JOHN LOUIS —Private E.E.F.
CHAPMAN, ARTHUR MALCOLM.
CHARLES, JAMES NATHANIEL.
CHARLES ROBERT.
CLARKE, MILTON —No. 1 Platoon.
CLARKE, RUFUS ADOLPHUS.
CLEMENTS, JAMES WILLIAM —Returned Medically unfit.
CUFFIE, JOSEPH ALEXANDER —Returned Medically unfit.
COLLINS, VINCENT —Returned Medically unfit.
COURTENAY, CORNELIUS WILLIAM.
CROOKS, JAMES EGBERT YEATES.
CROUCHE, ALEXANDER CYRIL.
DADAM CHRISTOPHER.
DALLOO —Returned unfit.
DALRYMPLE, GEORGE SAMUEL
DALY, CHARLES.
DANIEL, GEORGE ALEXANDER.
DANIEL, HORATIO.
DARLINGTON, ALBERT PRINCE.
DARMANTE, EMANUEL —Returned Medically unfit.
DEARE, SAMUEL.
DEDIER, RICHARD.
DEFOE, BINU.
DELANEY, REGINALD.
DERRELL, EGBERT.
DERRICK, ALFRED.
DE CRAY, MCFIELD.
DE GANNES, ALBERT HUGH-Corporal, EA.E.F.
DE PAIVA, ANTONIO.
DE SILVA, RAYMOND —Returned Medically unfit.
DES VIGNES, JAMES ARTHUR-Lce.-Cpl …DIED 29th October, 1918.
DES VIGNES, JAMES RAYMOND —Corporal, Egypt.
DICK, GEORGE ALEXANDER —Pt. Awarded MILITARY MEDAL, 1918.
DICKSON, ERNEST.
DILLON, JOSEPHUS THOMAS-Sgt. Dispenser 3rd Ser. Batt., B.F..F. France.
DILLON, LEOPOLD.
DONALDSON, THOMAS ARMSTRONG.
DOOKAL —Returned unfit.
DORSET, HENRY JOHN.
DORSETT, JOHN EDWARD.
DOS SANTOS, ALAN PERCY CARLYLE —Sergt. Egypt, now Mesopotamia.
DOS SANTOS, JOSEPH —Pte. B. Co., 6th Platoon, 1st Serv. Bat., E.E.F.
DOUGLAS, WALTER.
DRAYTON, PHILIP WILLIAM.
DUKE, NATHAN.
DUNCAN, LAWRENCE.
DURIEUX, HUGH.
DYALL, VICTOR LEOPOLD —Private I. Co., E.E.F., Egypt.
EASTMAN, EDWIN.
EDGAR, EVANS.
EVANS, EDWARD —Capt. 6th Battn., B.W.I.R., Flanders.
EVERSLEY, DIAMOND.
FELIX, SYLVESTRE.
FENWICK, ALDFRED —Lance-Corpl. C. Co., 1st Serv. Batt., Egypt.
FERNANDEZ, JOSEPH.
FLEMMING, WILFRED.
FLYNN, PETER PAUL.
FORTUNE, JOSIAH.
FOX, MATTHEW WALTER.
FRANCIS ARTHUR
FRANCIS EMANUEL
FRANCIS WILSON.
FRANCOIS, PERCY DILLON —Lance Corporal.
FRANCOIS, ST. HILL.
FRANCOIS, THEODORE AUGUSTUS —Sergt. B. co., 1st Serv. Batt., Egypt.
FRASER, AUGUSTUS.
GAJADHAR, PAUL OLIVER —Returned Medically unfit.
GEORGE, BENTLEY.
GEORGE, PHILLIP.
GEORGE, SEIFORT —Returned Medically unfit.
GIBARO, ALEXANDER.
GILKES, ROBERT.
GITTENS, JOSHUA.
GLAUDE, CLEOPHUS MATHEW.
GONSALVES, ARTHUR (or GAFFOOR) —Returned unfit.
GONZALES, BERTIE ANTHONY ETHELBERT.
GONZALES, FREDERICK —Corporal, Egypt.
GOULD, GEORGE ANTHONY.
GRAINGER, URIAS PHILLIP.
GRANT, DANIEL
GRAVES, FITZ STEPHEN MAURICE.
GREENIDGE, JOSEPH BENJAMIN.
GRIFFITH, ALONZO.
GRIFFITH, BANIFIELD BERNARD CECIL —Corpi. B. Co., Egypt.
GRIFFITH, FRANCIS SAMUEL —Sergeant Farrier, Egypt.
GUDGRAJ, JOHN —Returned Medically unfit.
HAMILTON, MORRIS DONALD IFIL.
HARLEY, AUGUSTUS CHAPMAN —Corpl. B. Co., 1st Serv. Batt., Egypt.
HARPER, CLAUDE WALLACE —Sergeant, Egypt.
HARRINGTON, LLOYD GUSTON.
HARRIS, CHARLES HENRY.
HARRIS, REYNOLD SYLVESTRE.
HARRISON, LESLIE. HARRY, THEOPHILUS.
HENDY, HAYNES O’CONNELL —Sergt. E.E.F., Palestine.
HENLEY, HENRY ADOLPHUS —Returned Medically unfit.
HENRY, RENE NORMAN —Returned Medically unfit.
HERBERT, ALDFRED.
HERISSON, MELVILLE —Sergeant, Egypt.
HILLS, CALVERT.
HINDS, ROBERT.
HOLDER, CECIL FREDERICK.
HOLDER, THEOPHILUS DUDLEY.
HOOSAMBOCUS —Returned unfit. JOOSEIN, JAFFUR —Returned unfit.
HOYTE, GEORGE —Sent back for Misconduct.
HUMPHREY, BERKELEY.
HYNDMAN, CHRISTOPHER ADLOPHUS —Military Medal, 7/11/17.
HYPOUTE, PATRICK FLEMMING.
ISAAC, RANDOLPH. ISON, GILBY.
ISURA —Returned unfit.
JACKSON, MICHAEL —Private, Egypt.
JACOB, ADOLPHUS WILLIAM.
JACOBS, GEORGE HAMILTON …DIED January, 1916.
JACOB, SAMUEL.
JAMES, CHARLES MONTGOMERY.
JAMES, LUCIEN.
JAMES, THOMAS.
JAMES, WILLIAM. HEREMIAH, LEO DIED 12th October, 1918.
JOACHIM, ALFRED JAMES —Sergeant, Egypt.
JOAQUIN, ARTHUR ALFRED —RE. Mtd. Linesman Southern Canal Div.
JOEFIELD, O’CONNELL.
JOHN, CHARLES.
JOHN, ENOCH.
JOHNSTON, SYLVESTRE —Returned Medically unfit.
JONES, PERCY.
JOSEPH, ADOLPHUS ALISTER.
JOSEPH, ADOLPHUS THOMAS.
JOSEPH AUGUSTUS.
JOSEPH, MILFORD. KARIM, ABDOOL —Returned unfit.
KHAN OMEER —Returned unfit.
KHAN, NAGIR —Returned unfit.
KNIGHT, EDMUND.
KNIGHTS, JAMES NATHANIEL.
KUNDKNSINGH —Returned unfit.
LAGUERRE, EDWARD.
LAKE, LIONEL WHARTON —Sergeant, Egypt.
LAMOREL, HUBERT.
LANG, EVANS SAMUEL… DIED 4th June, 1918.
LA ROSA, FRANCIS DE SALES.
LAWRENCE, OSCAR ADOLPHUS.
LAYNE, ALBERT.
LAYNE, CHARLES LETCHMERE.
LEDEE, DONALD.
LEEKHAM, THEODORE MCCOLUN —Ag. Corpl. Military Medal.
LE GENDRE, LAWRENCE.
LENARD, HUGH.
 LEWIS, HERBERT.
LEWIS, RICHARD.
LIGERTWOOD, JAMES.
LINDSAY, DANIEL
LING, PHILIP —Returned Medically unfit.
LOGAN, THOMAS ALEXANDER.
LONDEA, HYPOLITE.
LORD, NORMAN ST. CLAIR.
LOWDIN —Returned unfit.
LUCAS, FELIX ALEXIS.
LUCES, MARIANO EGNACIO —Private Egypt.
LYNCH, ALBERT AUGUSTUS.
MACINTOSH ANDREW (‘Toby’) —Sergeant, German East Africa.
MAHASTE, JOHN.
MAHOMED, JOHN —Returned unfit.
MAHOMED, OMEER —Returned unfit.
MAHOMMED, DIN —Returned unfit.
MAINGOT, FELIX.
MALONEY, SAMUEL.
MARCELLINE, LUCOVIC.
MARQUES, LOUIS —Returned Medically unfit.
MARSHALL, ALLAN ALEXANDER —Gnr. 1st Serv. Bat., B. Co., Palestine.
MARTIN, CHARLES.
MARTIN, MARTIN WILLIAM.
MATHEW, THOMAS —Returned Medically unfit.
MAUGE, JOHN CECIL —Returned Medically unfit.
MAUGHN, JOSEPH.
MAXWELL, STEADY —Private Signaller E.E.F.
MAYERS, LAURIE PHILIP ARGON.
MEOSA, CELESTINO.
MERGER, HERMANS.
MILLER, SAMUEL
MITCHELL, HEZEKIAH.
MITCHELL, ROBINSON FRANCIS —Pte. 1st Battn. E.A.E.F., East Africa.
MODESTE, SHULE.
MOOLEA —Returned unfit.
MOORE, BLANCHPIELD DAVID —Private, Egypt.
MOORE, JACOB BENJAMIN —Returned Medically unfit.
MORALDO, JAMES ANTONIO… DIED 18th February, 1916.
MORGAN, JOHN… DIED December, 1917.
MORRIS, NATHANIEL FITZROY —Pte. E.E.P., Palestine.
MOSES, MANUEL.
MOSES, THOMAS.
MOTELEY, JAMES GEORGE.
McCOY, FITZGERALD.
McDONALD, JOHN
McINTOSH McINTOSH, CEDRIC.
McINTOSH, JAMES
McINTOSH, MARTIN ADOLPHUS.
McKENZIE, EDGAR.
McKIE, EDWARD.
McLEOD, JAMES.
NATHAN, WELLINGTON.
NATHANIEL, JAMES.
NELSON, EDWARD.
NELSON, JOSEPH.
NEVISON, HENRY.
NEWALLO, CLIFFORD.
NIMBLETT, NORMAN.
NOREIGA, LOUIS.
OKEIFFE, HUGH FORESTER.
OMETTA, ARCHIE.
OXLEY, JOSEPH —Returned Medically unfit.
PANTIN, JOEL.
PARKER, JOHN BADCOCK —Returned Medically unfit.
PARKS, JAMES.
PARRIS, BERESFORD GILBANKS.
PARRIS, CHARLES CYRIL ST. CLAIR.
PARRIS, JACOB.
PARRIS, THEOPHILUS.
PARRIS, THEOPHILUS JOSHUA.
PAUL, WHITFIELD —Returned Medically unfit.
PAYNE, EBENEZER WILFRED.
PAYNE, JONATHAN —Returned Medically unfit.
PENA, CHARLES OSWALD —Sergt. B. Co., 1st. Serv. Batt., Egypt.
PENA, NIA-M.
PERRY, SAMUEL.
PETERS, ARCHIBALD… DIED 17th February, 1916.
PETERS, CADMAN.
PHILLIPS, NATHANIEL… DIED 9th November, 1915.
PHILLIPS, NATHANIEL —Returned Medically unfit.
PHILLIPS, OLIVER —Returned Medically unfit.
PIERRE, ALBERT FREDERICK ERNEST —Sergeant, Egypt.
PIERRE, ALSTON.
PIERRE, LAWRENCE.
PILLAY NADARAJAH —Returned unfit.
PINDER, EDMUND… DIED 23rd March, 1917. PINTO, JOHN BAPTISTE.
POLLONAIS, ALBERT LIONEL —Company Sergeant-Major.
PROVIDENCE, JAMES —Returned Medically unfit.
PRENTICE, MOSES… DIED 28th November, 1916.
PURCELL, ALEXANDER CRESS.
RAHAMAN, ABDOOL —Returned unfit.
RAM, OUDA —Returned unfit.
RAMNATH —Returned unfit.
RAMSAY RUFUS ADOLPHUS.
RATMAH —Returned unfit.
RAWLINS, RONALD
ROWLAND RODERICK —Sergt. E.E.F., Egypt.
REID, LOUIS-Corpl… DIED 26th December, 1918.
REGIS, EGBERT.
RENNES, EDWARD.
RICHARDS, FITZ HERBERT.
RILEY, BENJAMIN.
ROACH, FREDERICK LANCELOT —Corporal, 1st Battn., E.E.F.
ROBERTS, CHARLES. ROBERTS, NEVILLE.
ROBERTSON, FREDERICK WILLIAM —Returned Medically unfit.
ROMNEY, THOMAS SOLOMON —Sergeant.
ROSTANT, ANDRE —Reported a deserter in Egypt.
ROSTANT, EMANUEL EVAN.
ROSTER, CHARLES.
RUBIN, FELIX.
RUDOLFO, JOSEPH.
RUDOLFO, PHILIP EMANUEL.
RUSSELL, EDMUND EDWARD —Corpi. B. Co., 1st Battn., E.E.F., Egypt.
SAHALU —Returned unfit.
SAMPSON, JONATHAN.
SAMUEL, ALBERT.
SAMUEL, ALBERT.
SAMUEL, THEOPHILUS-CORPORAL, E.E.F.
SAMUEL, JOSEPH.
SAROOPRACHPAUL.
SAVARY, LIONEL… DIED 3rd September, 1917.
SCHOON, THOMAS BEGGS.
SCOTT, ARTHUR.
SCOTT, MOSES.
SEALES, JOSEPH SLOAN.
SUBLAL —Returned unfit.
SERRANO, JOSEPH.
SHERIFF, JOHN MILFORD.
SHURLAND, CLIFFORD ALEXANDER.
SIMON, CHARLES
SIMEON, JOHN GARNET.
SIMMONS, CHARLES.
SINGH, DOUG —Returned unfit.
SKEETE, ZADOK —Private, Egypt.
SMALL, RAPHAEL ARTHUR —Gunner, I Co., 1st Batt., B.E.A.RF.
SMALL, SIMEON.
SMITH, JOSEPH EMMANUEL… DIED 18th August, 1918.
SOBERS, ALEXANDER.
SOLOMON, ALEXANDER… DIED 10th October, 1918.
SONGSTER, JAMES LEICESTER
SONGSTER, SAMUEL… DIED 12th November, 1916.
SOOGANSINGH —Returned unfit.
SOOJATTKHAN —Returned unfit.
STANFORD, REGINALD ADOLPHUS —Returned Medically unfit.
STEPHEN, JOSEPH.
STEPHEN, LUCIEN… DIED 27th December, 1915.
STERLING, VINCENT MATHIAS.
STEWART, AMBROSE —Returned Medically unfit.
ST. CLAIR, McKAY —Returned Medically unfit.
ST. LOUIS, O’CONAL
SULTANTSINGH-Returned unfit.
SUTTON, WILMOT ARTHUR.
TAITT, MARTIN LUTHER.
TEIJMUL, JOSEPH-Returned unfit.
TELESFORD, JOSEPH LOUIS.
THOMAS, ABRAHAM.
THOMAS, JAMES.
THOMAS, JOSEPH.
THOMAS, JOSEPH MICHAEL.
THOMAS, MARTIN LUTHER.
THOMAS, RALPH CALAPHAS-Pte. 1st Battn., Egypt.
THOMAS, THEOPHILUS GERMANS.
THOMAS, WILFRED.
THOMPSON, ALFRED WILLIAM.
TITRE, HARRY AUGUSTUS.
TORAILLE, FELIX CHARLES-Returned Medically unfit.
TOTA —Returned Medically unfit.
TOUSSAINT, BERNARD RANDOLPH.
TROTMAN, CHARLES EMANUEL
TROTMAN, ELIAS ALEXANDER JOSEPHUS.
TURPIN, RICHARD —Lce-Cpl …Distinguished Conduct Medal
VALDEZ, ANDREW.
VALENTINE, ROBERT AUGUSTUS —Sergeant, Egypt.
VANDERPOOL, ALBERT —Returned Medically unfit.
VASCONCELLOS, JULES LOUIS —Lance-Corporal, Egypt.
VIALVA, EDIL.
WAITHE, JAMES JULIEN —Corpl. C. Co., 1st Serv. Battm., Palestine.
WALCOTT, O’DONNELL JOHN.
WALLACE, CHARLES.
WATSON, CHARLES LANCELOT —Returned Medically unfit.
WATSON, EDGAR NEVILLE —Lance-Cpl., Egypt-Now Ag. Co. Qtr. Mstr..
WEEKES, DUNCAN —Returned Medically unfit.
WILFORD, FRANCIS PERCY.
WILLIAMS, HAMILTON JOHN.
WILLIAMS, HENRY HAMILTON —Returned Medically unfit.
WILLIAMS, JAMES —Sent back for misconduct.
WILLIAMS, JAMES.
WILLIAMS, JOHN —Returned Medically unfit.
WILLIAMS, THOMAS.
WILLIAMS, THOMAS.
WOOD, FITZ HERBERT.
WORRELL, AUGUSTUS.
WORRELL, OSCAR LONGSFORD —Pte. B. Co., 1st Serv. Bat., BE. Africa.
WRIGHT, ADOLPHUS CHARLES… DIED 24th January, 1918.
WYNNE, JOSEPHUS.
YEARWOOD ALBERT.
YEARWOOD, CEPHAS.
YOUNG, JAMES.
ZOE, DONATION.



Major [Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel] Arneaud de Boissière, British West Indies Regiment

Maj. [T./Lt:Col.]  Arneaud de Boissière

Mention in a Despatch of Maj. (T./Lt:Col.] W.H.A. de Boissière, 8th Bn., signed by Winston Churchill

A letter of farewell to Arneaud de Boissière from the villagers of Boissière Village, Maraval, Trinidad, a village on the de Boissière estate of Champs Elysées (1917)
The signatories of Boissière Village: Peter Lalbiharie, S.E.V. Madhoo (soldier), Gregson E. de Silva (soldier), Alfred Uriah (soldier), Felix Stewardt, Alexander Nancoo, Valleton Went (soldier), Simon Jack (soldier), Joseph Alphonse (soldier) and Allan Hinkson. (The soldiers would have been members of one of the earlier British West Indian Regiments, and might have seen service in the Boer War or in the Gambia.)
A letter of welcome to Arneaud de Boissière from the Immigration Department upon his return from serving in World War I in 1919. Identifiable signatories: ..., Cadiz, Lohun, Lohun 
Continuation of list of signatories to the 1919 letter. Identifiable signatories: Gopaul, Rajnauth, Morgan, Murali, Harriram, Murzanali, Bastien, Chittarsingh

Roll of Honour from the C.I.C. Annual 1919 "War Memorial Number", St. Mary's College of the Immaculate Conception, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad. (Pte Carlos Pollonais, Lt. Gordon Burke, Surgeon-Lt. Roger Fortier, Rv. Fr. Henri Nouais, Lt. Jacques de Boissière, Lt. W. Schoener Miller, Sergeant Antoine Lota.) 

Lt. Neville Grell, Lt. Wilfred Bishop, Trooper Harold Knox, Surgeon Lt. Fernand de Verteuil, Pte. Oliver McLean, Pte. James Eversley, Lt. Cecil Scott




Lance Corporal McCollin Leekam, Trinidad Contingent, B.W.I. Regiment awarded Military Medal, 1918

Lance Corporal McCollin Leekam of Trinidad is awarded his medal in 1918 by Major General Sir E.W.C Chaytor (Photo: Clint Grant)


Lance Corporal T.M. Leekam, along with other volunteers of St. Mary's College, as depicted in the C.I.C. Annual 1919 "War Memorial Number", St. Mary's College of the Immaculate Conception, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad.


Men from Trinidad who served in the Royal Air Force during World War I
(From the War Memorial Number, CIC St. Mary's College Annual, 1919)

Flight Commander Horace Bowen, Royal Air Force 
Lieutenant Rupert Campbell, Royal Air Force
Trooper Michael "Mikey" Cipriani, King's Household Battalion,  attached Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Goerge de Boissière, Royal Air Force 
Lieutenant Marc de Verteuil, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Roland de Verteuil, Royal Air Force 
Lieutenant H.A. Hamel-Smith, Royal Berks, attached Royal Air Force 
Lieutenant Joseph Herrera, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Joseph E. Kernahan, Royal Air Force 
Lieutenant Percy J. Knox, Royal Air Force

Captain G.E. Lange, B.W.I. Regiment, attached Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Raoul Lazzari, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Henri Maingot, M.C., Royal Air Force 
Cadet Cecil O'Connor, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Edmund O'Connor, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Eugene O'Connor, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Louis E. Prada, Lancashire Regt., attached Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Jules Rochemont, Royal Air Force

Cadet José Rodriguez, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Errol Rooks, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Carlos A. Schjolseth, Royal Air Force

Lieutenant Felix Solis, Royal Air Force


The Mayoral Election at Port of Spain

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by Jean de Boissière

First published in 1937 in Boissière's book "Trinidad - Land of the Rising Inflection".

Before eight in the morning, the meager two benches provided for the public were filled with people to witness the election of a Mayor for Port of Spain. They were mostly women, all well over forty and more like lazy housewives, come for a morning's entertainment than a group politically conscious females. The men had the beaten, defeated look of most British West Indian workers, who after a lifetime of toil under the most grueling conditions grasp at whatever outlet offered the remains of their emotions
At nine, the Mayor took the chair and started what the public had believed would be an historical occasion. The first thing on the agenda was the swearing-in of the newly elected councillors. There were five of them. Two were former councillors of the party machine that kept the present Mayor in power. One was a new addition to that machine, and the other two were the new, trade union-supported councillors, whose votes were supposed to give the necessary majority to the anti-Mayor group.
As the councillors rose to take the oath, a very striking picture formed itself. In the center was an enormous baize-covered oval table: around it stood the councillors, aldermen and Mayor. Behind them a conglomeration of the dispossessed of all classes of Port of Spain stood pressing against the wall formed by the backs of the city fathers. The vast expense of table obviously stood for the private property rights of Port of Spain. The solid wall of capitalist-politicians protected the table from any encroachment by the assorted rabble at their backs.
The swearing over, the Mayor, who had climbed to political power by representing himself as the spokesman of the dispossessed, congratulated the newly-elected councillors in a speech that was notable only for an intimation to one of two trade union councillors, a barrister, of possible patronage, when he reminded him that despite the sinister reputation of lawyers in the community, the council very often found use for them. His empty praise, threats and promises delivered, he proceeded to the re-election of himself as Mayor of the city of Port of Spain.
The system of election theoretically was a process of the elimination of possible candidates until a division of the house was called to decide on the final two candidates. In practise, the chairman absolutely controlled the whole process of elimination by presuming to be the sole power for interpreting the ambiguous rules of procedure. Someone would propose a candidate and another an opponent. By a showing of hands they would select the substantiative candidate. They would be nine for McCarthy and six for Ambard, the rest abstaining. A little later in the proceedings someone would propose Cabral to oppose McCarthy who had remained the substantiative candidate. At the showing of hands there were seven for Cabral and six for McCarthy.
It did not suit the Mayor's party to have McCarthy eliminated at that particular stage with a possible build-up of Cabral as the eventual opponent. Whether or not that had anything to do with the apparent miscount by many of the councillors present could not be clear to the onlooker, but there was a great deal of confusion and the Mayor called for another showing of hands. This time it was six-six. According to previous procedures this meant that the substantiative candidate was eliminated and Cabral take his place. The Mayor immediately ruled that as McCarthv had nine votes in a previous contest against another opponent, in spite of the fact that every individual elimination contest left the right to abstain or change their candidate to the councillors, he still was the substantiative candidate.
Many councillors rose in protest at this high-handed interpretation of procedure by the Mayor. The councillors at Port of Spain hurled abuse at one anothers' head with vehemence that delighted the idle women and job-seeking men in the crowd, who understood naught of the politics of their city, but were delighted at being entertained in the manner they were accustomed to. The Mayor sat smiling at his well-managed circus that was behaving exactly as he wished it to: his rabble were being amused, and the councillors themselves were losing themselves and their dignity in a mirage that completely obscured the real issues at stake.
He called for yet another showing of hands. Some protested. He ignored them, and at the showing someone forgot who he had held up his hand for the first, and second times, and the result was six for Cabral and seven for McCarthy. The Mayor had got it as he wished, even if he had to trample the dignity of the civil body of Port of Spain in the gutter to do so.
Before any one councillor could catch his breath to give voice to a coherent protest, one of the Mayor's party proposed the Mayor as a candidate. It was now necessary for the Mayor to leave the chair. Two councillors of the opposing camp proposed a new chairman and were seconded. The Mayor announced the one that suited him as the new chairman, and ignored the other proposal as if it had never been made. Pandemonium let loose for the second time. The historic meeting went on without a chairman at all for fully fifteen minutes, while the opposition struggled for a hearing. In the meantime, three of the Mayor's party shrieked at one another from opposite side of the table about the interpretation of this procedure. It meant little, except as a very effective way of keeping the opposition from expressing itself. For even the most naive onlooker could see by now that the man who sat in the chair elected who he wanted as Mayor. Johnston made an offer to take the chair and appealed to the councillors to keep his right to sit there. But the opposition thoroughly rankled refused to support him. This also meant little, because if he was not entitled to it, neither was the candidate of the opposition, and the only alternative was the Mayor's henchman and deputy Pujadas. He took the chair.
The newly elected supporter of the Mayor rose to make a speech on the candidate he was voting for. He spoke in the manner of a school teacher whose self-taught diction is at best in the backroom of a rumshop. His string of elaborated catchwords lasted over 10 minutes. The chairman did not intervene while the opposition waited patiently.
There was another showing of hands at the conclusion of this boring interlude. Again the chairman seemed incapable of simply counting the number of raised hands. They bawled and screamed while one of the opposition leaders, Gomes, literally bursting with anger at the whole disgraceful affair, threatened to take the matter of the abuse of procedure to court at his own expense. The Mayor edged nearer to him and shrieked that if Gomes hit him, he would sock him on the jaw. With this, several of the Mayor's adherents of the bruiser type aggressively thrust themselves close to the Mayor and stood in a threatening attitude. This bit of gangster intimidation may have been the cause of the sudden subsidence of a storm that had broken several ink pots and at one point threatened to break up the meeting.
Calm again, Councillor Gomes rose to support his candidate against the Mayor. He began logically and clearly to deal with the years of administration or mal-administration. He spoke with a fine clear style, too fine, for the chairman ruled that he must not make a speech or at most not talk for more than five minutes. Gomes referred to the long speech of the schoolmaster. The chairman ignored him. Gomes sat down with an assured resignation.
A decision was called for and taken. Still nobody could count the hands correctly. So each name was put down and stated as candidate. One by one the councillors gave their vote until they came to Sinanan, the newly-elected, who had returned through the instrumentality of the trade unions. For weeks he had been sitting in the councils of the anti-Mayor opposition. Without a trace of embarrassment he voted against the people who had put him there and whose trust he had betrayed by sitting in on their plan of campaign. It gave the final disgraceful note to the whole sordid affair.
His vote gave the Mayor the chair for another year. It should not have been so as according to the procedure followed up to then. The opposition could have rallied their forces and proposed another candidate to oppose the Mayor who was only the substantiative candidate. But the chairman and the mob conspired to declare the new Mayor. The wildly enthusiastic populace, who had shown what mass action can do, danced up the street to the Mayor's office where they would celebrate the triumph of capitalist re-action with the few pence spared to buy rum. Thus ended a scene that would have outraged any self-respecting citizen of Port of Spain. But then there was very little room for such people in the council chamber on the morning the Mayor was elected.

The Arrival of Fruits and Veggies

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That not only people crossed the Atlantic to find new homes for themselves in these islands, but also a variety of fruits and plants, also made that crossing and like the people are now taken quite for granted as being of this place. These introductions began quite early.
The tribal people would have brought plants from "down the main," perhaps fruit trees like paw paw and pineapple and custard apple. We can only guess at these, but we do know that the Spaniards brought in a wide range of plants.
The sugar cane which had its home in the far east, came with them by way of Egypt, Sicily, Malta and the Canary islands. It was first planted in the Americas in Santa Domingo in 1520. The banana also arrived with the Spaniards. A priest first planted it in Santa Domingo in 1516 but it did not become a plant of great economic importance until after 1835. In that year a Martinique planter called Jean Francois Pouyatt, first planted the Gras Michel Banana at his property in the Jamaican parish of St. Andrew.
A year later, he exhibited some bunches of the banana at a fair and was given a prize of one doubloon worth about 12 dollars. Later the English and the French took a hand at brining in plants. the mango for example was taken from a French ship seized as a prize of war by one of Admiral Rodney's Captains. The Frenchman out of an Indian ocean island named Isle de Bourbon contained several varieties of mango which were being shipped to Martinique. These mangoes eventually found themselves all over these islands. A British governor of Jamaica, Sir John Peter Grant, around 1865, introduced several new varieties of mango. Cinnamon found its way to these islands aboard the same boat that had the first mangoes. Another significant import was of course the breadfruit, which is linked with the famous Captain Bligh and the mutiny of the "Bounty".
Bligh made a second voyage after his disastrous first attempt, and brought from the Pacific islands in H.M.S. Providence such valuable plants as the Jew Plum or Governor plum and the Otaheite Apple which we call Pommerac as well as the breadfruit. The ackee more famous in Jamaica was also brought by Bligh from the West coast of Africa. Citrus fruit crossed the Atlantic as did rice with the Spaniards. they experimented with grapes. They also brought nutmeg and almond trees, camphor the oil palm, rubber trees and Guinea grass may have made its own way. Ornamental plants like the oleander, the arum lily and honey suckle and violets which were all brought between 1770 and 1790. Water cress also arrived around this time as did the tamarind tree which came from India and the Kola nut from West Africa. The Casuarina from far off Australia. The bamboo found through out the West Indies first arrived from the far East. Para grass came from Venezuela. Very important was coffee which has its first home in Ethiopia and which was first used as a beverage in Egypt and the Mediterranean a long time ago. HenryVIII enjoyed it. There were coffee houses in London in 1625. It was first planted in Jamaica in 1728 and arrived in Trinidad a few years later.
As we know the coconut came on the wings of a storm to plant itself on the Mayaro beach. Now let us look at the other side of the picture. The Caribbean islands are a part of the Americas and the Americas gave as well as received.
When Columbus returned to Europe from his voyages of discovery he was greeted as 'discoverer of the New World', but the world which he discovered was not new. It had been settled by man for thousands of years from the far off period, some 25,000 or more years ago, when parties of Mongolian people crossing over by way of Siberia into North America. The process of wondering and settling took thousands of years. Generations of these early Americans spread out over the wide plains of North America, worked their way down the continent into central America and settled there, others moved through Panama into South America and fanned out across its great river basins and down the long spine of the Andes.
In the course of this long period of time, many of them passed from the first primitive state of being gathers and hunters of food to more advanced stage of being growers of food. They mastered the art of agriculture. Significantly, they produced societies capable of very advanced forms of mathematical calculation and scientific observation achieving the capacity to study processional astronomy. It is unknown whether they brought there capacities with them or whether these evolved on the continent.
"By the time Columbus arrived, the American Indian had learnt to cultivate more food and plants than all the rest of the world put together," wrote Prof. Phillip Sherlock. So though the West Indies and the mainland received so much , they were able to give. Amongst these gifts were maize, various varieties of potato, hard woods, imperishable, as they were called a quantity of herbs and plants from which important medicines and drugs are made, and, as Prof. Sherlock remarks, "a bird which people all over the world call the turkey, its not from Turkey at all, but from North America."

A Ride on the Bus

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A hundred or more people rushed to get the bus. It is supposed to carry 28 and no more according to law, but nobody on that bus seems to have much regard for the law.

The seats go to the victors in the battle of the doorway; though a couple have, as usual, cheated and scrambled through the window. Then the aisle fills up, while those seated have to keep ducking their heads lest they get decapitated by the bags and boxes being slung about as if it were an empty warehouse instead of a public conveyance full of seated passengers.
At last, there are 35 people in the bus and it is a physical impossibility for anyone else to get in without bursting the steep side of the body. Then the conductor arrives on the scene with a palet in his mouth, to announce that the bus they are in is no longer going. All out! And take the bus behind. Irate, having fought and won a battle to be robbed as easily of the fruits of victory, the passengers abuse the government, the railway, the driver, the conductor and then each other and each other's parents.

Now the scramble to get out instead of getting in takes place. While this is going on, the seats and windows get damaged and the passengers emerge to find their clothes torn. The other bus is already nearly full, so only ten out of the thirty-five get a passage to their home, thirty miles away.
At last, the bus starts. In the aisle, there is a woman who has settled herself on the floor, clucking like a hen as she does so. She gradually diverts herself of clothing as if she were home and prepared for bed; first comes off the stocking and shoe. Then she loosens her bodice and pulls her skirt up around her waist.

As she makes herself "comfortable", she naturally encroaches upon the space occupied by her tightly packed fellow passengers. When they try to assert their rights to the few inches they are sitting, lying or standing on, she rises, clucking furiously. She looks so formidable that everyone is silenced and she subdues, bristling her feathers as she does so.
She is the terror of the trip, that is, until two urchins get in and take up position on either side of her. They lean on her, press on her head and step on her outstretched nude legs. When she starts to cackle, they giggle and pay her no mind. At last, she can bear it no longer, rises with a titanic effort and throws them off, exclaiming, "Crise! You all want to stifle me!"

As the bus approaches within five miles of her destination, she starts to re-dress and make her toilet for arrival. Her stockings are pulled on and then begins the hunt between everybody's legs for the missing shoe that has got shoved around in the mêlées until it has found itself behind the tool box next to the chauffeur's seat. She makes such a noise and accuses so many people of stealing her almost heel-less shoe that everyone joins the search until it is recovered. The chauffeur, who eventually picks it up and returns it to her, gets roundly abused for his pains. But he is the only person in the bus that is her match. In fact, he surpasses her. In the city's tramcar is written: "It is forbidden for the chauffeur to talk to the passengers while the bus is in motion", for from the time the bus has left its starting place, the chauffeur has harangued the bus. Not for a moment has he let up from telling us about his private life, how he'd been to jail and how he liked it there.
At one part of his story, he was describing how he beat a fellow. To lend emphasis to the tale, he would let go the wheel and turn around to describe to the passengers with his hands how he did it. In the middle of one of his gestures, a jitney swung around a corner unexpectedly, and the chauffeur just missed having to describe to the court how it happened, with or without gesture.

Gradually, the passengers thinned out somewhat, as each village passed claimed a few, until there is actually a seat vacant. But to the amazement of the uninitiated, women waiting at the roadside are ignored when they frantically signal the bus. The chauffeur explains to his audience: "She alright, oui, let she get the next one."
The next one, as everyone knows, is four hours away. But the real explanation comes when on approaching the terminus at the other end, the chauffeur starts stopping every few hundred yards to pick up one or two men, who, from their conversation, are obviously friends. Together they sit and stand in the front of the bus, smoking away with their friend, the chauffeur, while the passengers behind look cynically at the sign right over the chauffeur's head, which warns that smoking, except on the rear seat, is strictly forbidden.

At last, the bus arrives at the last stop. The conductor, who has no further business, as the chauffeur is supposed to collect the tickets, now stands astride the doorway, making it difficult for passengers to leave. The passengers themselves have by now become so much a part of the environment created by the chauffeur and his conductor that they fight one another to get out of the bus, into the village, which is devoid of anything except for a few stray pouches slinking around the empty butcher's stall. The bus then turns around and begins another of its reluctant efforts to transport people.

The Story of the Government House

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 It will be interesting to record some of the facts regarding the construction of this old building as well as some information concerning it given by the late Mr. Thomas James St. Hill, six months before his death at the age of 90 in the 1930s, who, as a boy, had played around it and had frequent opportunities of roaming about its rooms. 
In describing it he said the house had no pretensions to architectural beauty, but the interior was nicely furnished. The ceiling and sides were of plaster of Paris; the walls were of tapia made from black pick-mock roseau, grown in the forest, split into three, with the pith scooped out and tapia laid between. 
The tapia was covered with white lime plaster, and plaster of Paris was laid over all. There was a chandelier in each of the two large rooms, the drawing room and the ballroom. Stucco work was around the chandeliers, while a gilt frieze ran around the rooms at the top. The doors were of cedar and nicely worked in design; the locks were brass ones about eight or nine inches wide, the staircase was six feet wide, the balustrade of which was of mahogany with turned rails. 
A marble stair ran from the ground floor to the landing, comprising twelve steps of black and white. There was a front gallery twelve feet wide, and, apart from the two large rooms described above the interior, was not otherwise large, so this gallery was often used as a dining verandah for balls and other purposes. The principal doors were of glass; there were no jalousie windows, but glass sashes; the reception room was marble-tiled and the staircase to the west, leading from the dining room to the garden was of red tiles. The upper part that ran to the north was two-storied, otherwise it was a one-storey building.
Mr. St. Hill further stated that this building, which had at one time been used as a Government House, was occupied for a good many years by the Hon. Ashton Warner, Chief Judge of the Colony, until his decease in 1830. Mr. Warner was the last occupier of this building, and from that time it fell into decay and ruin. On being asked why it was never tenanted subsequently, he remarked that it was supposed to be situated in an unhealthy locality, being greatly exposed to the north winds and that someone had died there of a malignant type of fever.
When giving the information recorded above, he also drew the ground plan of the building from memory. These measurements were duly checked by a local architect and found to be correct in every detail. This plan, however, has unfortunately been misplaced by the architect. It would have been interesting to reproduce it along with this photograph and the description of the interior. It would also be of interest to find out from what point this view was originally sketched. Mr. St. Hill further stated that when the Prince's Building was being built in 1861, this old property was demolished in order to obtain bricks to be used in the construction of the new building.
From parliamentary papers relating to the island of Trinidad of 18th February, 1823, we gather that the Belmont lands were leased to the government from January 1803 and that these were the lands "on which the Government House and buildings and the negro houses are erected". And further "at the time of the original contract for lease of land by colonial government there was only a small house 36 ft. x 18 ft. built of American timber, shingled and floored and a small hut covered with straw upon the said lands: the former building was newly shingled and repaired by the government previous to its occupation of the property".
As 'Paradise Estate' was bought by the government in 1825 and the great house thereon used as Government House, we think it could safely be averred that the governors who occupied this house were governors Hislop, Munro and Woodford from 1803—1825.
We are glad to be able to place on record these important facts regarding this historic building about which, until now, little has been publicly known. Indeed, there is one common theory about this place that this document explodes and that is that, the building on the Belmont Hill was never a Government House. There is abundant evidence to disprove this. Trinidad is thus greatly indebted to Sir Normal Lamont and the late Mr. T.J. St. Hill.
We are further indebted to Mr. T.I. Potter for the information regarding this property and the section taken at law by claimants to the land, as subjoined:

The old 'Government Cottage' on Belmont Hill.
The history of the old ruins to be seen on the crest of the hill which overlooks the city and the harbour of Port of Spain from what is now called Belmont Pasture is interesting.
The Belmont Estate, which apparently did not comprise much more than the present pasture and the ridge to the north-east of it, although the whole district to the south has taken the name, was a very old occupancy held by a Spaniard whose name is not recorded, because very probably, he was a squatter. In 1780 this man sold his holding to one Riviere, an immigrant to this island from St. Vincent. Riviere, in his turn, sold the occupancy to Don Francis Pasqual de Soler, who conveyed it to Edward Barry (a member of the firm of Barry & Black) on the 16th December, 1784, for the sum of "$900 of eight bits", (whatever that may be).
Edward Barry died some time after the purchase and the representative of his estate leased the lands and buildings, the cultivation (only 'provisions and plantains') having been abandoned, to the governor of the island as a site for a country residence, at a yearly rental of $1,200, and gave him a preferential option of purchasing the property at a fair valuation whenever the heirs of Barry could give a legal title to the lands. The residence was erected the same year, and Governor Hislop was the first tenant of it.
In the year 1811, the heirs of Barry got into financial difficulties, and Messrs. Park and Heywood took the Belmont property in execution. The court ordered an appraisement to be made, and the governor, Major General Monro, was notified of it. He objected to the inclusion of the governor's residence in the appraisement, and it appears that nothing was done until the 30th April, 1814, when notice of the order for appraisement was served on the new governor, Sir Ralph Woodford, who at once referred the matter to the attorney-general (Henry Fuller) in order that the interest of the crown in the property might be represented in the suit. On the 24th May, 1814, he directed the attorney-general to limit his objection to the valuation of the buildings.
The title of Belmont Estate was then raised, and the matter came into the court of first instance before the chief judge (John T. Bigge), who, after hearing the arguments of the attorney-general and the representatives of the heirs of Barry, dismissed the claim of the crown, and held that this title of the heirs of Barry to Belmont Estate was good, and he warranted it.
The attorney-general appealed against this decision to the court of civil appeal, which, at that time, was the court of intendant as regards matters relating to lands of the colony. This court had very large powers there.
The governor was the president of this court, and he had as his legal assistant a judge of the colony, who was called the 'assessor'.
After hearing both sides, the president reversed the decision of the chief justice, and decreed that the act of a servant cannot forfeit the right of the lord paramount, that no grant had been issued to any one, of the lands forming the Belmont Estate, and that there was no prescription against the crown in the colony, therefore His Majesty had never been divested of the ownership of the lands which formed Belmont Estate; but that the heirs of Barry could sue for compensation under a recent British proclamation dealing with crown lands and lands occupied in the island, which gave compensation in land to occupiers, in certain cases, where lands were resumed from them for public purposes; and that the rent received by the heirs of Barry would be taken into account in considering the question of compensation.
The representative of the heirs of Barry applied for leave to appeal to the Privy Council, which was granted, and the vexed question was submitted for final decision to that tribunal.
The case of the claim of the crown to the lands of Belmont, and the alleged arbitrary action of Sir Ralph Woodford in the matter formed one of the many grievances of the Committee of Landholders of Trinidad, headed by the late Joseph Marryat, M.P., in their petition in 1816 to the Secretary of State against what they considered to be the aggressive and tyrannical administration of the government of the colony by that governor.
Belmont Estate eventually became crown land, and the 'Government Cottage' was occupied by the governors of the colony until the 'Great House' of the 'Paradise Estate,' (which property had been purchased from the Peschier family and was converted into the Botanical Gardens and Queen's Park) was fixed up as a govenor's residence. It was then apparently abandoned and fell into decay. It is today the site of the Hilton Hotel.


Colour Prejudice

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Just over 120 years ago, the late 1870s, life in Trinidad reflected the ups and downs and overall uncertainties of the colonial experience.
All in all, the island was prosperous. Sugar was making money for those with money. Cocoa was on a sound footing, providing a trickle-down economy whereby many benefited. The indentured Indians laboured in the hope of either repatriation or in resignation to being consigned forever to this island.
Already, the central plains were acquiring the look of India that they would never see again, or which their children would never know. Jhandis fluttered over backyard shrines, dedicated to Lord Shiva as devotees murmured mantras, maintaining a transcendental connection to half-forgotten ashrams on the banks of Gangama; all these frozen in memory, evoked with ganja, specially imported by the British authorities as a solace and as a relatively safe alternative to the demon of rum.
Already there was an organised importation of West Indians negroes, mostly from the island of Barbados, who were more self-possessed than their local equivalents. They provided inexpensive labour and filled the ranks of the nascent civil service. They were also Protestant, which served to swell the numbers of that denomination favoured by the British. In those days, the real politic took place not between rich or poor or even black or white, but between Catholics and Protestants. This really meant between the British establishment, the governor and high officials, business people and professionals, and the local French whites and their coloured adherents. At the end of the day, what mattered was the cost of labour. Indians from India, negroes from the impoverished smaller islands, ensured that the price of raw materials for export was kept as low as possible. colonial rule was simple. The Indians in the cane, the negroes in the slums.
Where the real social action took place was in the murky, slightly out-of-focus interface between the people of African descent, from dark to light complexions, local or from other British territories, who were moving upward by dint of education and that most nebulous criterion of all, respectability. Nice manners, well-made clothes, a good grasp on the distinction between servility and graciousness or perhaps gratefulness—these educated people of colour had their champions who put up a show whenever obvious racial discrimination was dished out. Black editors complained:
"One class is protected blindly, without regard even to decency and propriety; and other classes degraded with a similar disregard to prudence, common sense and even safety ... The authorities show a lamentable want of discretion and judgment by irritating so often, so determinedly, and so unnecessarily, a sensitive race ... The dominant race enjoys to the top of its bent everything it can desire—power, place, emoluments, social position. It lives, it luxuriates, on the fat of the land. Why does it not enjoy itself quietly? And not every now and then insult the Children of the Sun by acts of gross injustice..." (from contemporary newspapers, as quoted in Prof. B. Brereton's "Race Relations").
Some made it as in the case of  a Mr. O'Brien, whose recommendation by his boss went, "he is a coloured man, and it is difficult to find appointments for men of his class," but, "the fact that he is annually chosen as secretary of the [Horse] Race Meeting shows the sort of consideration in which he is held by the community generally".
O'Brien was acceptable to the whites and so could work in the upper middle ranks of the service. It was regarded as scandalous in 1894 when a registrar of the supreme court, Ralph Monier-Williams, wrote a letter to the governor, requesting him to appoint to a clerkship "a person with as little coloured blood as possible and, if practicable, with no coloured blood at all, as these have given considerable trouble in the department within the last two years".
Trinidad, being as it is, the letter became a topic of discussion even before it got to the governor. The "Long Tom Cigar-Smoking Club of Almond Walk", made up of "a collection of rogues, intellectuals, chantwells, mystic-masons, gentlemen of leisure", to name a few, who met every morning to sit outside Mouttet's dry goods store on Almond Walk, now Broadway, to smoke cigars, take coffee and discuss the events of the day, condemned the occurrence. There was talk that he the official in question should be "tarred and feathered".
It was arranged for posters to be put up all over town, asking "what shall we do with Monier-Williams?" A police constable was ordered to protect him. The reaction of the governor was to appoint a "jet-black" man to the post. Many of the commentators of the day felt that Monier-Williams had been set up by the prejudice of people in his department who had attempted to use him to make a point and "to further their own notions about race". At a Long Tom meeting, held one rainy morning in August 1899, the Hon. Maxwell Philip observed "the coloured and black class in the West Indies occupy an intermediate position". "Marginal men" he called the educated, genteel, well-dressed, hopeful applicants to positions they could hardly imagine. They, the club members, knew what he meant. The English thought them treacherous, fickle and unstable, clever, yes, but lacking in moral worth.
Louis Fabien, raising to avoid a leak dripping from the ceiling in the old shop, said, "Insecurity, my dear, is the root of ambivalence on the one hand. We want to be like everybody else.""You mean you want to be accepted at the Union Club?""Yes, I don't see why not!"
They laughed, knowing full well that the bags of cocoa that filled Jean Mouttet's store rooms, in fact what they were sitting on, belonged to Louis Fabien. Maxwell Philip proposed having a ball, and proceeded to organise it, at which, because of his prestige and wealth, he brought together what was in their opinion the best of the coloureds and the most acceptable of the whites.
They were not many actually "black" people at the ball. It was held at the Princes Building and was considered a success. Isolated as an event, it however caused comment. The "New Era", a newspaper owned by a coloured man, wrote in his editorial, "Europeans arriving in the West Indies believed that the natives were savages and cannibals". Educated non-whites had a strong sense of their moral and intellectual worthiness to move in the "best" circles. They felt that society was divided into "those who justly deem themselves entitled to a social position in the island consistent with their means and general behaviour, and those who believe that they have a prescriptive right to dictate who shall or shall not, be received into the ranks of the colonial society."
In the weeks that followed Philip's ball, two young men entered Monier-Williams' office in the Red House one evening and, to his surprise, emptied a pail of warm tar over his head and then the contents of a large pillow case. It is of interest to note that they were both white...
Some sixty years later, in the 1930s, C.L.R. James wrote, speaking of his own time, "There are the nearly whites hanging on tooth and nail to the fringes of white society and these hate contact with the darker skin far more than some of the broader-minded whites. Then, there are the browns, intermediates, who cannot by any stretch of the imagination pass as white, but who will not go one inch towards mixing with people darker than themselves."
The society tortured itself, "writhing in the confines of the racist ideology of local and metropolitan whites," writes Prof. Bridget Brereton. Quoting historian Donald Wood, she notes, "the whole intricate experience of the Afro-European encounter since the renaissance, the stereotypes formed by slavery, the legacy of the master and slave relationship, the complex of prejudices and judgments which formed the white view of the 'negro character' during slavery a mixture of affection and contempt, patronage and fear was carried into the post-emancipation adjustment."
The people of mixed race, who had risen from poverty or, in some cases, never were there, they bought into the white attitudes while taking on board various European mores, styles and points of view as they could manage. They tried to disassociate themselves from the working class blacks. Writing letters to the press, asking government "to act more stringently against immoral drum dances, for the sake of the respectable coloured sector which, being coloured, was sometimes classed with the scum that took part in the dances".
The colonial experience created a definition of self-hate that was remarkable, profoundly segmenting the society. Calypso, ever the mirror of society, went:
"Dan is the devil, the devil is dan,
brown nigger more bad than baccraman
but black is the baddest in the land."
J.J.Thomas, a black educator who expressed strong racial pride, spoke out against the extent to which self-contempt and self-hatred existed in his fellow blacks. He condemned the internalising of European values with regard to their superiority. he wrote, "colour prejudice is a ladder with almost endless rungs. It is a system of social aggression and retaliation."
J.J. Thomas was insightful with regard to his concept of Afro-America. He recognised that there were common links binding all blacks in the New World, realising that it was and is in fact the black presence that defined the New World.
His writing influenced many of his contemporaries. One of them was Edward Blyden, the founder of "African Nationalism" and "Négritude". As Prof. Brereton points out:
"Many Trinidadians saw that race prejudices were not the monopoly of any one group. It was not, said J.J. Thomas, a matter of oppressing whites and oppressed blacks. Race prejudice and discrimination were practiced by all sectors, and the coloured and black middle class was the most shade-conscious of all."
The equation of whiteness with superiority had been thoroughly internalised by many educated coloureds and blacks and the consequences of this indoctrination were easily noticed. There were those self-styled whites who desperately tried to conceal their 'negro blood'. According to the radical coloured activist Edgar Maresse-Smith, Philip Rostant was one of those. He wrote to the press:
"Mr. Rostant, in defiance of his crisped hair and the copper colour of his skin, has elected to be a white man. This would be harmless folly if Mr. Rostant would persuade himself of his bequéism and allow others to think as they please. But he feels that he dupes no-one and therefore falls into convulsions as soon as the word 'African' is pronounced, for fear that a hyphen will be placed between himself and the detestable African race."
Maresse-Smith and Rostant were political enemies, and Dr. Brereton points out, "the accusation may well have been entirely untrue, but the letter describes what was probably a well-known phenomenon."
It is of interest to note that both of these men were ardent nationalists, staunch supporters of greater local representation in elected bodies and justice for the poor. J.J. Thomas pointed out that educated and respectable creoles of all skin tones shared a common love for their country and a common sense of identity. This was a view that was shared by many, as one contributor wrote:
"The descendants of the old French and Spanish families, whether they have preserved their distinctive idiosyncrasies by intermarriages among themselves, or have formed a distinct race by the intermingling of African blood, as well as those who form that portion of intelligent blacks who have of late come to the front, are now known and designated as Creoles. These different sections of the native population are now so well linked to each other by intermarriage and daily intercourse that they form a compact body."
Creole society in the colonial period was dependent on social stratification, both in terms of class and caste. The white upper class excluded those with a "touch of the tar brush", notwithstanding wealth, breeding or the lightness of his or her complexion. They also excluded other Europeans, deemed not socially white, such as the Portuguese or the Syrians for that matter, and many of their own countrymen who did not belong to their social order. On the other hand, the line between the black masses and the non-white middle class was class-consciousness.
A working class, black person from the lower levels of society could, through education and the making of money, move upwards amongst the blacks and coloureds who had acquired respectability, and as such had become teachers, civil servants, or journalists. One could say that there were three significant indications by which a person's class may have been defined. There is by and large a certain yardstick of values in the society in terms of which families may be judged and ranked. In the context of Trinidad, to believe in and subscribe to the idea of superiority in being white, of a command of European culture, and of having a place, real or imagined, in the European ranks of the nobility. Other factors such as land ownership, once having possessed slaves, acceptance as such amongst their peers.
Both the white creoles and the coloured and black educated, land-owning professionals, shared and practiced a broadly similar lifestyle, in that they both modelled themselves on the European upper and middle classes, and subscribed to their cultural and social values. The white creoles with more cash in hand could make a better show of it. For lower-class blacks, the masses, they lived an entirely different life in a world very far removed from their sometimes close neighbours or relatives for that matter.
Thus, the roots of the segmentation of the society were laid. To this day, they run deep, and as such may be manipulated by clever people to support their own ends. One should bear in mind that these prejudices were in the first place artificial and were perpetuated by the colonial power for the purpose of dominating a subject people. "Divide et impere"—divide and rule. We all must now know that those days are past and we must condemn those who would have them return!

The Spanish Dons of La Trinidad

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The house was not very large as estate houses go, neither was it very old. It sat in the contented manner that bungalows do on a quarter of an acre of slightly rolling lawn, surrounded by a startling display of tropical blooms whose names I never learned, but whose vivid, indeed spectacular show I surely will always remember.
She said she was having a lazy morning, her basket filled to overflowing with enormous anthuriums. This told me that she had been working in her anthurium garden. "Come," she said, and I followed. Sitting in the long gallery, sipping lime squash, I had to admire Paulina Sorzano. Well into her late 70s, she possessed a lively mind, witty and very clear. She was also quite lovely and womanly, very feminine, stylish in an old-fashioned, "grande dame" sort of way. She being my father's first cousin, I called her Aunty Polly. I was there to get information on the Sorzanos. This is what she told me:
The Sorzano family has had a long connection with Trinidad for about 220-odd years, the earliest holding of the post of Contador de Real Exercito in the administration of Governor Don José Chacon. After the surrender of the island to the British, it became necessary for him to give an account of his administration of that office. He travelled to Spain with Don Chacon, and was one of the officers mentioned in the last paragraph of the dispatch in which the Spanish governor announced the disaster which had befallen him.
During that time, the Sorzanos owned several plantations on the island, and as such, he made up his mind to return and to take the oath of allegiance to his new sovereign and to regard this new British colony as home. With a view to making his family position perfectly clear, he took occasion whilst in Spain to collect all the necessary documents to prove his descent from a long line of distinguished ancestors.
The family of Don Manuel Thomas Sorzano de Tejada is a very ancient one. Its coat of arms was bestowed upon Don Sancho Martinez Sorzano de Tejada by Alphonso III, King of Austria, for his distinguished gallantry at the battle of Clavijo in the year 872 AD, where he and his thirteen sons gained a great victory over the army of Abdullah, the Arab caliph of Cordoba. The thirteen green pennants which support the shield each have a crescent.
Don Manuel became commandant of Arima under Sir Thomas Hislop in 1803, and served the British government as such for several years. He was given a seat at the Board of Council by Sir Ralph Woodford. An old letter describes that when last he saw Don Chacon as being "in the Fort of San Sebastian outside the walls of Cadiz and for the moment unable to leave it". This was a civil way of saying that the unfortunate governor was a prisoner.
Aunt Polly's grandfather, Thomas Sorzano, had placed on loan at the Royal Victoria Institute 1897 exhibition several interesting exhibits, among these were a pair of very handsome pistols with old-fashioned flintlocks, the nominal roll of slave children on the Torrecilla estate, once owned by the family in 1803, an original printed copy of the Cedula of Population of 23rd November, 1783, and is meant to have been a copy brought out by Don Chacon to whom the working of the Cedula was entrusted, an interesting iron-banded wooden chest, said to have been "the chest of fines" in which the moneys paid to the courts were kept, and a very old flintlock musket.
Because our family is connected to the Ganteaumes and the Pantins, who are in turn connected to the Caracciolos, she was also able to tell me something about the latter. Count Giuseppe Joseph Caracciolo, who died in Trinidad in 1819, was a direct descendant of Domenico Caracciolo, Marchese de Brienza. Count Joseph's father was named Literis, and his name is registered in the Libro d'Oro of Naples. He married Mariana de la Porte Strabia. One of their sons, Joseph, Giuseppe, was born in 1779 and at the age of 18 was named sub-lieutenant in the Royal Cavalry. Impatient to earn military fame, he joined the Russian army under the famous General Suwarov, who was then engaged in aiding the Austrians to fight the French under the Generals Massena and McDonald. Giuseppe served for about a year and then returned to Naples. Subsequently finding his safety, perhaps even his life, endangered in consequence of having taken service with the Russians, he determined to emigrate and arrived in Trinidad in 1801. Four years later, he married Marie Josephine Amphoux by whom he became the father of two sons. His eldest son married Henrietta Pantin de Mouilbert, the other, Alfredo, married Barbara Almandoz.
"Which is the oldest Spanish family in Trinidad in the sense of being here the longest?" I asked.
"Oh, the Farfans of course," Auntie Polly answered. The first by that name had come out in 1644. His name was Don Manuel Farfan de los Godos. He founded the Hermanidad del Santisimo  Sacramento at St. Joseph. From him are descended the Farfans of today. For many years, indeed for more than a century, they dominated the Illustrious Cabildo, the government, wielding great power on the island, imprisoning governors, forbidding others to leave. Their power was not altered until the arrival of Don Jose María Chacon, the last Spanish governor. The distinctive epithet "de los Godos" indicates that they belong to one of the Gothic families at the disastrous battle of Guadaletec in 711 AD, where Rodrigo, the last of the Gothic Kings of Spain, was slain by the victorious Saracens.
In 1566, Don Pedro Huarez Farfan emigrated to New Granada, now Venezuela, and his descendants some 90 years later crossed over to Spanish Trinidad. An interesting connection of the Farfans is the Marquis de Creny whose daughter married a Farfan in the latter part of the 18th century. Another old Spanish family of Trinidad is that of Don Jose Mayan, who at the time of the capitulation in 1797 held the important post of Teniente de Justicia, Mayor of St. Joseph, an office that was created when the seat of government was removed to Port of Spain in 1774.
This move away from St. Joseph to Port of Spain was very upsetting to the old Spanish families. The office of Teniente, a kind of lieutenant governorship, was always held in reserve to be awarded in a special circumstance. Don Jose was the son of Don Matias Mayan who emigrated from the province of Galicia, Spain, in the 1750s. He settled at St. Joseph and married Augustina Prieto de Posada, daughter of Don Antonio Prieto de Posada and his wife Donna Josefa Gonzales, on the 7th April 1777. Jose Mayan married Dona Antonia de Salas, by whom he had issue one daughter, Trinidad de los Angeles. In 1797, Trinidad married Don Pablo Giuseppi. All the Giuseppis of Trinidad come from this union, so too the Ciprianis, Fitts, Frasers, and Monagas.
It was in the house of Don Jose Mayan on the Valsayn estate, St. Joseph, that the articles of capitulation were signed under which Don Chacon surrendered the island to the British crown, this on the 18th February, 1797. The old house was long ago knocked down. It stood in an area just behind where WASA now is in St. Joseph.
In 1880, the Royal Princes, the Duke of York and the Duke of Clarence, visited Trinidad in the H.M.S. Bacchante, honouring with their presence an entertainment given for them by Mr. Paul Giuseppi. His ancestor, Don Pablo Giuseppi, was a native of Corsica. He belonged to a family of considerable wealth and importance. In 1791, when the troubled times of the French Revolution were commencing, he was chosen commandant of the national guard of his district. His father, a staunch royalist, did not approve of his giving any countenance to the revolutionary party, and sent him away to Martinique, from which he subsequently emigrated to Trinidad, where he married the only child of Don Jose Mayan, Trinidad de Los Angeles, and became joint owner with her of Valsayn estate.
Another old Spanish family of Trinidad are the Basantas. Aunt Polly related that Don Valentine de Basanta, at the time of the capitulation to the British held the office of First Commissary of Population, to which he had been appointed by the King of Spain in the year 1792. He was also an officer in the Spanish navy like his friend Don Manuel Sorzano. He too owned property, had married in Trinidad, and decided to remain here after the conquest, taking the oath of allegiance to the King of England.
The name Basanta occurs in the chronicles of the 14th and 15th centuries as taking part in the wars with Navarre under Pedro the Cruel and in those waged by Ferdinand and Isabella against the Moors. Connected to the Lezama and Garcia families, many descendants still live in Trinidad.
"Did Don Jose Chacon leave any mementoes behind?"
"Yes, as a matter of fact, he did. A Mr. Diaz once showed me an embroidered robe, a prayer book, and a group of the Virgin and Child which belonged to his daughter, Maria Chacon. She married M. Henri Joberty and as such the descendants of Chacon still live amongst us."
A little bell tinkled from the dining room of Mausica estate house, calling us to lunch, ending a lovely morning, reminiscing about the old Spanish Dons of Trinidad.

The Arena Massacre of Trinidad Part 1.

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Documents relating to the massacre of the
Governor, Don Jose de Leon y Echales,
other officials and missionaries at
San Francisco de la Arena, by
Indians, on 1st December, 1699.
Collected and translated by
Father P. J. Buissink, P.P.,
San Rafael, and
published by the
Historical
Society
of
Trinidad and
Tobago, 1938


FOREWORD.


The following documents relate to the judicial proceedings against
the Indians who murdered the Missionaries of San Francisco de la
Arena, the Governor and members of his party. The proceedings are
translated in extenso except where the legal formula and signatures
are repeated with the examination of each witness or prisoner, in
which instances the repetition is summarised and printed in italics.


The Society previously issued, as Publication No. 193, a report
of the massacre by Fr. Mateo de Anguiano, official historian of the
Capuchins, written in 1704.



Testimony in the criminal case which the
Alcaldes-Governors of the Island of Trinidad-
Don Diego de Alaje Tenreiro and Don Tomas
de Lezama made together against the Indians
of Arena, in the rear 1700, to be transmitted
to the King Our Lord.
General Archives of the Indies. Sevilla.
Audience of Sto. Domingo, Bundle 582.


LETTER OF THE FATHER PREFECT.
SENORES, ALCALDES, GOVERNORS, JESUS, MARIA.

         I give advice that yesterday, the first day of the New Year,
the General Don Antonio readied the mission of Savanna
Grande with all his men very tired and exhausted, through
lack of provisions. He brings with him twenty-seven prisoners,
men of twelve years and more; thirty-two adult women;
twenty-five little ones less than twelve years old, and states
that ten Indians with their wives went over to the Caribs of
the reefs, having with them ten women to give them to the
other Caribs in order to hide them or go elsewhere. I have
heard that General Don Antonio has ordered the Indians to
pursue those ten Indians with their wives and other single
women, and among them the old Chief and the Lieutenant
with all the members of his party who are on an Island in the
marsh. And the General Don Antonio would not go there for,
lack of provisions, and because he had with him many
prisoners, he has decided not to take these prisoners with him
to Savanna, until the return of those who have gone to seek
the Chief and his people. I have not approved of this decision
which he has taken with the Second-Lieutenant Diego, and
have insisted that they should bring the prisoners to our
Lordship, and after that should go in search of the others, and
they have answered that the prisoners were kept under good
watch, and that they wished to bring them all together.
That is all I have to tell your Lordship whom God guard
many years.

Naparima, the second of January, 1700.
Chaplain of your Lordship,
GABRIEL de BARCELONA.



ORDINANCE OF THE GENERAL MEETING.

         In the town of San Jose de Oruna, Island of Trinidad, on
the sixth day of the month of January, 1700, the Sergeant-
Major Don Diego de Alaje Tenreiro and the Second Lieutenant
Tomas de Lezama, alcaldes in ordinary, Governors because of
the death of the Camp-Master Don Jose de Leon, Governor
and Captain General of these provinces for His Majesty, for
the desired effect and decision of what must be done in relation
to a paper which they had received from the Reverend Father
Gabriel de Barcelona, Prefect of the missions of this province,
in which he advises them that General Antonio, who is at the
head of the missions of Naparima, and Second Lieutenant
Diego Martinez, Spaniard who assists the said Reverend
Father, after a march which they had made in pursuit of the
criminal Indians of the mission of Arena, had 82 prisoners
men, women and children, and that he expected a part of his
troops which he had sent to pursue some fugitive criminals.
They ordered him to put himself at the head of these
ordinances, and called a general meeting, in which were
present: -Alderman Captain Juan de Lezama, Martin
Alonso Guerrero, the Captain Don Francisco Coronado, and
the Captain Diego Perez de Leon, and the Camp-Master
Don Pedro Fernandez de la Vega, the Sergeant-Major Juan
Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda, the Captain Diego
Onorato Orval, the Captain Don Vicente de Leon y Urriti,
the Captain Domingo Nieto de Sobrado, the Captain Don
Antonio de Bustamante, the Captain Juan Isidro de Mier,
the Captain Antonio de Robles, the Captain Don Francisco
de Zuniga, the Captain Gaspar Gutierrez de Sandoval. And
when they were assembled in the royal house of the Cabildo,
these men read the said paper, in order to propose what
ought to be done with the said Indians, because the punishment
was executed for the first whom they had taken in the two
marches which they had made And it seemed good to all
members of this meeting that the same judgment should be
pronounced against them which was executed against the
other criminals for all the men of fourteen years of age or
above, because it was evident that they had taken part in such
an atrocious crime and sacrilege, as they had committed, and
that the rest of the children and the women should be
distributed and put in the custody of some persons in this
town for their service, and these persons should take the
obligation to nourish them and to instruct thm in the teaching
of our Holy Catholic faith, until in the meantime they would
give an account of this resolution to his Highness the President
and the Judges of the Royal Audience and the Royal Chancery,
of Santa Fe in the new reign of Granada, so that in view of
this his Highness dispose what must be done with those
children and women. And when the said Alcaldes had heard
and understood this, they asked the Captain Don Antonio
de Bustamante, the general Protector of the Indians of this
province what he thought about this arrangement and
proposal. And he answered that everything was well arranged
and that he relied on his Highness who in view of all this
would order that which would be the most convenient to the
royal service, And the same alcaldes said that they approved
with all which was contained in the said meeting, and that
they would decree accordingly concerning the punishment
and its execution, and the sending of these ordinances to his
Highness, so that in view of them he determine what must
be executed in this matter. And in conformity with this all
those present signed it on the said day, month and year.


The signatures follow.



ORDINANCE.

         In the town of San Jose de Oruna, Island of Trinidad, on
the tenth of the month of January, 1700, we the Sergeant-
Major Diego de Alaje Tenreiro and the Second Lieutenant
Tomas de Lezama, alcaides in ordinary, Governors of this
Island, in the vacancy of a government for the King our Lord,
after the General Antonio had reached this town with the
Indian prisoners, indicated the general meeting which we
held on the sixth day of the present month, and which is
written at the head of these ordinances, for its fulfilment and
the execution of what is resolved there, stop to examine the
judgment which was given and pronounced by the Alcaldes-
Governors our predecessors against the two Indians if the
mission of Arena, concerning their rebellion. And after
having seen and examined those ordinances, for more justifica-
tion of the generality of the sedition, and to see, if all of that
mission were accomplices and co-operators in the said crime,
as one of the accomplices declared during the said judgment,
in the first declaration of those ordinances, and in other
declarations concerning this matter, besides that of the first
declaration, we order that the declarations and avowals be
taken from seven of the accomplices, who were brought here,
and that they be asked, if all the Indians of the said mission
with common accord disposed themselves and resolved to
commit the crime, indicated in those ordinances. And their
oaths and avowals shall be taken with the assistance of the
Captain Antonio de Bustamante who is the Protector of those
Indians, and when this is done, measures shall be taken,
according to what has been resolved in the said general
meeting, against those who shall be found to have co-operated
in this crime. So we dispose, order and sign with the witnesses
with whom we act in the absence of a Notary Public, who
were :- The Captain Lorenzo Mendez de Sotomayor and the
Second Lieutenant Antonio de Montenegro residents of this
town. Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Lorenzo
Mendez de Sotomayor, Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro.

NOTIFICATION.

         In this said town, on the twelfth day of the month of
January of this year 1700, we the said alcaldes-Governors
made known the ordinance written above to the Captain
Don Antonio de Bustamante, Protector of the Indians, and
he said that he had heard it and signed it. Diego de Alaje,
Tomas de Lezama, Antonio de Bustamante.

AVOWAL OF GREGORIO.

         And immediately after we the said alcaldes, in order to
fulfil the ordinance given above, received the declaration of
Gregorio, one of the principal Indians among the aggressors,
mentioned in the said ordinance, through the Captain Martin
de Mendoza, principal Indian of the settlement of the valley
of San Agustin de Arauca, who fulfilled the office of interpreter,
because the said Gregorio did not know the Spanish language,
and to that effect the oath was taken of the said interpreter.
And because he was ladino and knew the value of an oath,
he made it to God our Lord and with a sign of the cross in
due legal form, under the burden of which he promised to
speak the truth and with all faithfulness concerning that
which the said Gregorio would answer to that which would
be asked him. And he was asked, if he was with the others,
when they killed the Reverend Missionary Fathers who were
in the mission of Arena, he said, that he was not, that
Father Estevan had sent him to the ford of the river Aripo,
to bring over the Governor who would come to visit the said
mission. Asked, if he knew that they were resolved to kill
the said Fathers, he said that he knew it. Asked, if he was
present, when they killed the said Governor, he said that
he was present, and that it was he who finished off the
Governor, and helped the others to kill his companions.
Asked, if of the others caught by General Antonio, and
brought to this town, there is one who is not an accomplice,
or who did not have part in these murders, he said that all
were there and took part in these murders, except Ignacio
who was absent from this mission and knew nothing, until he
came back and everything was finished. And the said
interpreter added that all this is the truth, which the said
Gregorio had answered to all what was asked him, under the
weight of the oath which he had made, and which he maintains
and ratifies as a Christian. And he says that he has the age
of a little more or less than seventy years. And the said
Gregorio did not know his age; he seems to be a little more
or less than thirty years. And the said interpreter added that
he had well and faithfully fulfilled his office, under the burden
of his oath. And when this declaration was read to the said
Gregorio and was explained by the said interpreter, he
answered that it was the same which he had made, and
maintains and ratifies it. And the said interpreter did not
sign, because he did not know. We the said Alcaldes sign
with the Protector and the witnesses who were :- Captain
Diego de Torres and Ignacio Pimiento and the Second
Lieutenant Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro, residents of this
town, Diego do Alaje, Tomas de Lezama, Antonio do
Bustamante, Diego de Torres Vadillo, Lorenzo Antonio
de Montenegro, Juan lgnacio Pimiento.


AVOWAL OF AGUSTIN.

         Agustin, an Indian, then gave the following evidence through the
interpreter : Asked if he took part with the others who killed
the said Reverend Fathers Missionaries, he said that he was
present, but that he did not help in the killing. Asked if he
was present with the others, when they killed the Governor
and his companions at the Aripo river, he said that he was
present, but that likewise he killed no one, and wounded only
one horse. Asked, if any one of those who were made prisoner
with him and caught by General Antonio, was not an
accomplice, or was not present at the related crime, he said
that all took part its these murders, except lgnacio who was
absent from the mission, and knew nothing, and when he
came back, everything was finished. Asked, what cause or
motive they had to commit such a crime, he said that, because
the Father had reprimanded them, because they would not
work in the construction of a Church in the said mission, and
that he threatened them with said Governor.


         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes and Protector in the presence of
witnesses.


AVOWAL OF JOSE (Age 20).

         Jose, Christian Indian of the said mission who helped the said Fathers
in his office of Sacristan, and is one of the caught criminals took the
oath: And asked if he was with the others in the murders of the
Reverend Fathers Missionaries, he said that he was with them,
and that the night before they had had a meeting to decide these
murders, and that they had invited him to it, but that he
killed no one. Asked, if he was present at the murder of the
Governor and of those who accompanied him, he said that
he was not present, that he had remained in the mission, and
that he had put a surplice to help to drag out the Fathers.
Asked if any of those caught by General Antonio was or was
not guilty of these murders, lie said that all were present and
helped in these murders, and that those who descended to
the river Aripo to kill the Governor and his companions came
back to this mission, glorifying themselves, because of the
murders which they had committed, and that he heard that
Augustin who made his declaration in these ordinances said
that he alone had killed Father Juan Antonio Mazien, Priest
of the Order of Preachers, who was in the company of the
said Governor. Asked if the Indian Ignacio was present
whom the others declared absent, he said that he was not
there, that he knew nothing, because he was not in the said
mission. Asked if an Indian, called Evaristo, and another,
Juan Santos who are prisoners caught by the Spaniards, took
part in the murders, he answered that they took part in them
and that Evaristo descended to the river and glorified himself
as having killed one, and that Juan Santos remained in the
mission. Asked, what cause or motive they had to commit
such an atrocious crime, he said that because they did not
assist at the obligatory devotions, and did not attend the
instruction of our Holy Catholic faith, the Father reprimanded
them, and because they would not work in the construction
of the Church, he threatened them that the Governor would
be obliged to punish them. . . Jose then swore to the truth of
the above statement which was signed by the Alcaldes, Prolector
and witnesses.


AVOWAL OF MATHEO.

         Matheo, an Indian about 40 years old, then gave the following
evidence through the interpreter: Asked if he took part with the
others in the murders of the Reverend Fathers Missionaries,
he answered that he did not, because he had gone to the
river to wait for the Governor, and that he knew that they
had had a meeting to commit those murders the night before.
Asked if he took part with the others in the murder of the
Governor, he said that he did, and for more information he
added that he killed the Notary Public Mateo de Oso with
an arrow of agave and covered him with some leaves. Asked
if those who are prisoners with him, and were caught by
General Antonio, had not taken part in these murders, and
were not in the said mission, he answered that all took part
in them, except Ignacio who was absent and knew nothing,
and when he returned to the said mission, everything was
finished. Asked, if Juan Santos and Evaristo, Indians of the
said mission who are prisoners caught by the Spaniards, took
part in the said murders, he answered that they did, and that
Juan Santos remained at the mission to help to drag the
Fathers out, and that Evaristo went to the river, and knows
who killed Pedro Pacheco, one of those who accompanied
the Governor. Asked what cause or motive they had to
commit such a crime, he said that the Fathers reprimanded
them and warned them, because they did not help in the
construction of the church that they were building, and
threatened them with the Governor, and they decided to
forestall everything.


         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes, Protector and witnesses.


AVOWAL OF PABLO.

         Pablo, an Indian about 40 years old, then gave the following
evidence through the interpreter : Asked if he took part in the
murders of the Reverend Fathers Missionaries, he said that
he did, and that he alone killed Father Raimundo de Figuerola,
whom Juan Santos had locked up in a little room, and he
broke the door with an axe to commit the said murder,
which he did with a wooden tool, when he found the said
Father with a Holy Christ in the hand, and that he did not
go to the river and take part in the murder of the Governor,
because he remained in the mission with the others. who
dragged the said Fathers out. Asked, if his fellow prisoners
took part in the said murders, he answered that all took part
in them, except Ignacio who was absent, and when he
returned to the mission, everything was finished. Asked if
the prisoners Evaristo and Juan Santos took part with the
others in these murders, he said that they did and that
Juan Santos remained in the mission with the others to drag
along the Fathers, and that Evaristo went in ambush to kill
the Govenor and his companions. Asked what cause or
motive they had to commit such a foul crime, he said that it
was out of fear that the Governor would punish them.


         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes, Protector and witnesses.


AVOWAL OF VENTURA.

         Ventura, a Christian Indian of the mission of Arena, aged about
20 years, took the oath, and gave the following evidence through the
interpreter : Asked if he was present at the murders of the
Reverend Fathers Missionaries, he said that he was present,
and that he was in the kitchen and saw the Fathers killed.
Asked if he went to the ford to wait for the Governor and his
companions, he said that he went and that he took part with
the others in this second crime. Asked, if the other prisoners,
and all the others of the said mission who are fugitives, took
part in these murders and in the other crimes which they
committed, he said that all took part, except Ignacio who was
absent, and when he returned to the mission, they had already
committed the crime. Asked, for what cause or motive they
killed the Fathers, the Governor and the others, he answered
that it was out of fear that with the coming of the Governor
they would be punished for their sorceries and their infrequent
attendance at religious instruction.


         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes, Protector and witnesses.


AVOWAL OF EVARISTO.

         Evaristo, Indian of the mission of Arena, gave the following
evidence through the interpreter : Asked if he was present at the
murders of the Reverend Fathers Missionaries, he answered
that he was present in the said mission at a meeting which
took place the night before to kill the Fathers and the Governor,
and he saw them kill the Fathers, but he killed no one.
Asked, if he went to the river Aripo with the others to wait
for the Governor, he said that he did and that he finished off
Pedro Pacheco, a soldier accompanying the said Governor.
Asked if all the Indians of the named mission were accomplices
and took part in the related crime, he answered that all took
part in it, except Ignacio who was absent and knew nothing
of what had happened, until everything was finished. Asked,
what cause or motive they had to commit such atrocities, he
said that they feared that the Governor would punish them
for their transgressions and their neglect to attend religious
instruction.


         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes, Protector and witnesses.


AVOWAL OF CALIXTO.

         Calixto, an Indian, gave the following evidence through his
interpreter : Asked if he took part in the murders of the
Reverend Fathers Missionaries, he said that at that time he
was sick and could not walk, and therefore he was not present
at the murders of the Fathers and of the Governor and his
companions. He said that he knew that they had had a
meeting for this purpose. Asked, whether he knew if all the
Indians of the said mission, as well as the prisoners and those
still fugitives, were present to commit such an atrocious crime,
he answer that all were present, except Ignacio who was
absent from the mission. Asked from whom and how he
knows that all the said Indians were present, he answered
that he had seen them from his house, Asked, if he knows for
what cause or motive they committed such an atrocious crime,
he said that they feared that the Governor would punish
them for their abuses and superstitions.

         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes, Protector and witnesses.


AVOWAL OF IGNACIO.

         Ignacio, an Indian, gave the following evidence through the
interpreter : Asked, if he was present in the mission of Arena
at the time that they murdered the Fathers Missionaries,
he answered that he was not present. Asked, if he was
present at the ford of the river Aripo, when they killed the
Governor and his companions, he said that he was not present.
Asked, where he was, he answered that with the permission of
the Fathers he had contracted work in the Estates of the
Captain Juan de Lezama in the valley of Cumucarapo, and
that after having fulfilled the time of the contract, he went
back so the said mission the same day that the other Indians
had committed the crime concerning which he was questioned,
and that in ignorance of what had happened and knowing
nothing, he had met the Sergeant-Major Don-Manuel Firmin
who went back to this town wounded, and immediately after
he met three Indians who followed him to finish him off, and
who were recognized by him, and were called Bernardo,
Barnabe and Hilario, who despairing to reach the said
Sergeant-Major, took him to the said mission where they
returned, and that he saw along the road the dead bodies,
and in the said mission he found that they had already buried
the Fathers and committed other sacrileges. Asked, if he
knows whether all the Indians of the said mission took part
in this crime, he answered that he knows that all took part
in it, and that no one failed, because so he heard it said by all,
and he heard it said by the aggressors at the time he was in
their company. Asked if he knows for what reason they
committed such an atrocious crime, he said that he did
not know.


         The above statement was sworn by the interpreter as being correct
and was signed by the Alcaldes, Protector and witnesses.

ORDINANCE.

In the named town, on the thirteenth day of the month of
January of the year indicated, we the said Alcaldes-Governors,
in the absence of a Governor, for the justification of the
innocence of the, said Indian Ignacio, indicated in these
ordinances, order that a declaration be taken of the Captain
Juan de Lezama, and that the declaration of the said Indian
Ignacio be put under his eyes for his contestation. So we
dispose, order and sign, with the witnesses who were:-
The Captain Lorenzo Mendez and the Second Lieutenant
Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro with whom we act in the
absence of a Notary Public. Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas
de Lezama, Lorenzo Mendez, Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro.


AVOWAL OF THE CAPTAIN JUAN DE LEZAMA.

         And immediately after, for the conclusion of this case and
the justification of the declaration made by the Indian Ignacio,
contained in these ordinances, we the said Alcaldes-Governors
with the assistance of the Protector and the witnesses, ordered
to appear before us the Captain Juan de Lezama, resident of
this town, to the effect that he swear and declare concerning
the contents of the declaration which Ignacio made. And his
oath was received in due legal form, and when he had made
it well and completely, under the charge of which he offered
to speak the truth of what he knew and would be asked, and
when the declaration made by the said Ignacio was read to
him, and when he was asked on what day and at what hour the
said Ignacio left his house to return to the said mission, and
how long he worked in his estate, he answered that on Tuesday
the first day of December which was the same day that the
said tragedy happened, the said Ignacio left the valley of
Cumucarapo and reached this town at twelve o'clock, from
where he followed the road to the settlement of Arauca,
where he possessed another estate, and was and spoke with
the family of his house, and when he left the said valley of
Arauca in order to go to the said mission, it was more than
three hours after the Governor and his companions had left
the said valley to go to that mission, and such is in accord
with his words ; and that he worked in his indicated estate
twenty days more or less.


         Captain Juan de Lezama signed this statement with the Alcaldes,
Protector and witnesses.


NOTIFICATION AND ORDINANCE.

         And immediately after, we the said Alcaldes-Governors,
after having seen the declaration made by the Captain Juan
de Lezama which accords with the avowal of the said lgnacio,
and that the other criminals have admitted their crime, we
order, for further proof and to fix without delay that their
avowals made with the assistance of the Protector be ratified.
So we arrange, order and sign, being witnesses the Second
Lieutenant Juan Garcia de Miranda and Lorenzo Marcano,
residents of this town, Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas
de Lezama, Antonio de Bustamante, Juan Garcia de Miranda,
Lorenzo Marcano. And immediately after we the said
Alcaldes and Governors made known the above written
ordinance to the Captain Don Antonio de Bustamante, general
Protector of the Indians of this Island, and he said that he
had heard it and signed with us :- Diego de Alaje Tenreiro,
Tomas de Lezama, Antonio de Bustamante.




RATIFICATION OF GREGORIO.

         And immediately after we the said Alcaldes-Governors,
with the assistance of the said Protector and the witnesses,
with whom we act in the absence of a Notary Public, ordered
to bring in our presence the Indian Gregorio, one of the
aggressors who gave his declaration in these ordinances, to
the effect that he ratify his declaration. And therefore we
ordered to call the Captain Martin de Mendoza, interpreter
named in these ordinances, so that by his office may be made
understood by the said criminal that which he has declared.
And therefore he made an oath in due legal form, because he
was a Christian and understood its value. After having made
it well and completely,  he offered under the weight of it to
ask and to answer, as he would be ordered and the said
criminal would answer. And in conformity to this, the
declaration of the said criminal was read to the said interpreter,
and he was ordered to declare it, and the said criminal
answered that it was the same which he had made, and he
maintains and ratifies it, and he adds that an Indian of those
who where with him, called Calixto, at the time when they
committed the avowed crime, was sick and it was impossible
for him to go out, and therefore he was not present at any of
the crimes with the others ; that he knew however what they
had resolved in the meeting, and that at the time, that all the
Indians escaped from the said mission, the wife of the said
Catixto, carried him away, because he could not walk, and
that he recalls nothing else other than what he has answered.
Asked it the other Indians of the said mission who are fugitives
took part in the said crimes, he said that all took part in them,
and that is according to the declaration. And the said
interpreter added that he had well and faithfully fulfilled his
office, according to his faithful knowledge and understanding.
And he says that he is of the age indicated, and he does not
sign, because he cannot. We sign with the named Protector
and the witnesses who were:- the Second Lieutenant Juan
Garcia de Miranda and Lorenzo Marcano, residents of this
town. Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Antonio
de Bustamante, Juan Garcia de Miranda, Lorenzo Marcano.


RATIFICATION OF AGUSTIN.

  The Indian Agustin similarly ratified his statement, adding :
That he remembers that an Indian among the prisoners with
him, called Calixto, at the time when they committed the
Crimes mentioned in these ordinances was sick and was not
with them, and when they escaped from the said mission
his wife carried him away. Asked if the other Indians who
are fugitives took part in these crimes, he answered that all
were accomplices.


RATIFICATION OF JOSE.

  The Christian Indian, Jose, then ratified his statement on oath,
adding : That he remembered that Calixto, an Indian, and
prisoner in his company, was not present at any of the murders,
and when they took to flight from the said mission, his wife
carried him away, and he knows nothing else. Asked, if the
Indians who escaped took part in the committed crimes, he
said that they did, that all were present.

RATIFICATION OF PABLO.

  The Indian Pablo then ratified his statement through an
interpreter, adding : That he remembered that Calixto, Indian,
prisoner with him, was sick at the time that they committed
the indicated crimes, and was not present at them. Asked, if
the other Indians who are fugitives took part in these crimes,
he answered that all took part in them.


RATIFICATION OF VENTURA.

  The Indian Ventura then ratified his statement through the
interpreter, adding: That Calixto, an Indian made prisoner
with him, was sick at the time they committed the crimes,
and was not present. Asked if the other Indians who are
fugitives took part in those crimes, he answered that all took
part in them.


RATIFICATION OF EVARISTO, CALIXTO, AND lGNACIO.

  The Indians Evaristo, Calixto and Ignacio then ratified their
statements through the interpreter.


EXAMINATION OF THE ORDINANCES BY THE PROTECTOR.

  In this same town, on the day indicated, month and year,
we the said Alcaldes-Governors, having seen in these
ordinances a criminal case against the Indians of the mission
of Arena, order to give them over to the Captain Don Antonio
de Bustamante, Protector, in order that he quote what he
finds in justice, with the provision that he answer within
three hours, because what must be determined, in justice must
be executed urgently, and for this effect those ordinances
must be handed over to the said Protector. So we dispose,
order and sign with the witnesses present with whom we act
in the absence of a Notary Public and who were :- The
Second Lieutenant Juan Garcia de Miranda and Silvestre
Ernandez, residents of this town, Diego de Alaje Tenreiro,
Tomas de Lezama, Juan Garcia de Miranda, Silvestre
Ernandez.


NOTIFICATION.

  And immediately after we the said Alcaldes-Governors
made known the ordinance contained in the preceding sheet
to the Captain Antonio de Bustamante, general Protector of
the Indians of this Island who said that he had heard and
understood it, and that he would answer within the limit of
time given him, and therefore he received the said ordinances
and signed with us :- Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas
de Lezama, Antonio de Bustamante.


PETITION.

  I, the Captain Antonio de Bustamante, general Protector
of the Indians of this province, after having taken all the
necessary care, appear before your Honour in the criminal
case that by the office of the royal justice has been instituted
against the Indians of the mission of San Francisco de la Arena,
caught and made prisoners by the Second Lieutenant Diego
Martinez de Arrieta, Spaniard, and the General Don Antonio
de la Cruz, Indian of the Naparima tribe, and say that I have
examined the said ordinances and criminal case, and l find
that your Honour in justice must declare free lgnacio and
Calixto, Indians named in these ordinances who gave their
declaration in this case, because no guilt can be found in
these ordinances against them among the guilty charged in
them, because their declarations set them free, and show that
they have not co-operated in the crimes. And for all the
others involved in the said case I entreat your Honours that
their chastisement be exercised with the greatest mercy that
can be found in justice, paying attention to their incapacity
and ignorance, and above all to the royal laws which are in
their favour as such. I ask and entreat your Honours to act
as I have asked and to pronounce the judgment. And in the
necessary case I renounce to whatsoever proof which might
be allowed me, because I find none to the contrary to what
I find in justice. I ask justice. Antonio de Bustamante.
         

DECREE.

         The petition was added to the ordinances, and that they
be presented to us in order to minister justice. So it was
arranged by us the Alcaldes-Governors and the witnesses
present with whom we act in the absence of a Notary Public.
And the witnesses were :- The Captain Juan de Lezama and
the Second Lieutenant Juan Garcia de Miranda, residents of
this town, who signed with us in this town of San Jose de Oruna
on the thirteenth of the month of January of the year 1700.
Diego de Alaje, Tomas de Lezama, Juan Garcia de Miranda
and Juan de Lezama.


ORDINANCE.

         On the day indicated, month and year, we the said
Alcaldes-Governors, having seen these ordinances, order that
the said Protector be cited to-morrow at eight o'clock to hear
the sentence concerning those Indians. So we dispose, order
and sign with the witnesses present who were :- The Second
Lieutenant Juan Garcia de Miranda and Silvestre Ernandez,
residents of this town, Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas
de Lezama, Juan Garcia de Miranda, Silvestre Ernandez.


NOTIFICATION.

         And immediately after we the said Alcaldes-Governors
made known the ordinance above to the Captain Don Antonio
de Bustamante, Protector of the Indians who said that he had
heard and understood it, and signed with us :- Diego de Alaje
Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Antonio de Bustamante.


SENTENCE.

         In the criminal case that by the office of the royal justice
has been proclaimed against the Naparima Indians of the
mission of San Francisco de la Arena, because they have
committed the crime of lesse-Majesty and sacrilege, for having
rebelled and killed the Religious Apostolic Missionaries and
the Father Instructor and the Governor and Captain General
of these Provinces, in the name of the King our Lord, and
other persons, as it is shown in the first ordinances, and
outrage of the holy and consecrated things and images,
which crime all the Indians of the said mission in common
have committed (except the Indians Ignacio and Calixto), as
appears its these ordinances, notorious crime and which as
such must be chastised summarily according to the rules of
the royal justice, after having seen these first ordinances, these
of the general meeting which are at the head of the others,
and the importance of this case.


JUDGMENT.

         We judge that we must condemn and we condemn the
twenty-two Indians whom the General Antonio de la Cruz
and the Second Lieutenant Diego Martinez de Arrieta have
caught arid brought to this town, with all the other Indians
of the said mission of Arena, accomplices and co-operators in
the said crimes, to death, with the exception of the two Indians
Ignacio who knew nothing of the tragedy and was not present
in the said mission when it happened, and the Indian Calixto,
who was sick and thereby prevented from taking part in them.
And that these twenty-two above indicated criminals and all
the others of the said mission who might be caught be dragged
along the public streets of this town, with a crier before them,
publishing their crimes, and after that be hung, until they
necessarily die, and after their death their hands and heads
shall be cut off and exposed and nailed in the places where
they committed and executed their crime, and their bodies
shall be cut in pieces and put along the roads for their
punishment, and good example for the public vengeance,
because so orders the King our Lord by his royal laws. And
for the other children and women who are caught or may be
caught of the said mission must be executed what has been
convened and resolved by the said general meeting which can
be found at the head of these ordinances. And the Indian
Ignacio, because he did not come back and give information
and followed and accompanied the said criminals, we condemn
to two years of personal service in the convent of our Serafic
Father San Francisco in this town, and we order that he shall
be set free and given over, after this judgment shall have been
executed, to the Reverend Preacher Fray Francisco de Riveros,
Guardian of the said convent, and we charge his conscience to
teach and instruct him during these two years in the things
of our Holy Catholic faith and the Christian religion. And
the Indian Calixto we condemn to four years of exile in the
royal fortress of Araia to work out his rehabilitation and all
that may be convenient to the royal service of His Majesty,
and he shall be sent to hand him over to the master of the
fortress at the first occasion that presents itself, and in the
meantime he shall be prisoner in the public jail of this town.
And to the said General Don Antonio de Ia Cruz who is the
General of all the Naparima Indians of this Island and its
missions, as a good minister and a faithful vassal of the King
our Lord whom God may guard, and in his royal name, we
give thanks, because he has well and courageously worked in
the case and in the pursuits he has made, and we confirm,
approve and revalidate for him in the said royal name the
title and honour of General of the whole Naparima-tribe of
this Island and its missions, and we recommend him to continue
in the future his good and faithful work in the said missions,
promising him that by all this his Majesty will be well served,
and will remember him for all that. And all the others who in
his company have worked and worked well shall be rewarded
in the fulfilment of the royal laws of his Majesty. And to
the said Lieutenant Don Diego Martinez de Arrieta
thanks are also given, because he has been the principal agent
of that which the said General has done in his company, and
the reward is given to him that is due to such good deeds,
so that be continue them in the future and an authorized
testimony of this our opinion will be given to the said General.
And it is recommended to him not to fail in the continuation
of the marches and trips and that he bring to this town those
of said criminals whom he will catch during these marches, in
order that the punishment contained in this our sentence may
he meted out to them. And judging so, we pronounce,
declare, order and sign this judgment definitely. Diego
de Alaje Tenreiro. Tomas de Lezania.


PUBLICATION.

         The judgment contained in this and the anterior sheet
was given and pronounced by us, the Sergeant-Major Diego
de Alaje Tenreiro and the Second Lieutenant Tomas
de Lezama, Alcaldes--Governors of this Island, in the vacancy
of a government through the death of the Camp-Master
Don Jose de Leon y Echales, Governor and Captain General
of these provinces for the King our Lord, being witnesses the
Captain Juan de Lezama and the Second Lieutenant Juan
Garcia de Miranda and Silvestre Ernandez, residents of this
town with whom we act in the absence of a Notary Public.
And this judgment is given in this town of San Jose de Oruna,
Isle of Trinidad, on the fourteenth day of the month of
January of 1700, for which we testify. Diego de Alaje
Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Juan de Lezama, Juan Garcia
de Miranda, Silvestre Ernandez.
                                   

NOTIFICATION.

         On the said day, before us the said Alcaldes-Governors,
was read in the public jail of this town, in the presence of all
the criminals named in our judgment, and of the Captain
Don Antonio the Bustamante as their Protector, this our
sentence, and when they had heard it and when it was
translated by the Captain Martin de Mendoza, interpreter
who knew their dialect, they said that they had heard it, and
the said Protector answered the same for them. And he was
cited and advised that a term of twelve hours was given to
them, for the case that they would entreat or appeal, with the
understanding that after this time they would proceed to the
confirmation and execution of it, because it was very convenient
that the execution be short. Were witnesses :- The Captain
Juan de Lezama and the Second Lieutenant Juan Gaicia
de Miranda and Silvestre Ernandez who with us and with
the said Protector sign, and this we testify. Diego de Alaje
Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Juan de Lezama, Antonio
de Bustamante, Juan Garcia de Miranda, Silvestre Ernandez




ORDINANCE.

         In the town of San Jose de Oruna, Island of Trinidad, on
the fifteenth day of the month of January, 1700, we the said
Sergeant-Major Don Diego de Alaje Tenreiro and the Second
Lieutenant Tomas de Lezania, Alcaldes-Governors, during
the vacancy of the Government, and the witnesses with whom
we act at the death of the Notary Public, because the term of
twelve hours which we gave yesterday for the appeal against
the judgment contained in these ordinances has passed, and
nothing has been brought in against it, we confirm and
approve it and order that it shall be executed to-day at
eleven o'clock according to its wording and form, and we give
convenient orders for its execution. And of those ordinances
two authorized copies shall be taken, one to be sent to the
King our Lord in his royal and supreme council of these
Indies, and the other to be sent to the Royal Audience, and
Chancery of Santa Fe in the new Kingdom of Granada, so
that with the document before them they may dispose of
what is most convenient for the royal service. So we dispose,
order and sign with the said witnesses (and that this be made
known to the said Protector) who were :- The Sergeant-
Major Don Cristobal de la Riva and the Captains Juan
de Lezama and Lorenzo Mendez de Sototmayer, residents of
and present in this said town. Diego de Alaje Tenreiro,
Tomas de Lezama, Lorenzo Mendez de Sotomaver, Juan
de Lezama, Don Cristobal de la Riva.




NOTIFICATION.

         And immediately after we the said Alcaldes-Governors
made known this ordinance to the Captain Don Antonio
de Bustamante, Protector of the said Indians, who answered
that he heard and understood it, and signed it with us,
Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Antonio
de Bustamante.


DISTRIBUTION.

         In the town of San Jose de Oruna, isle of Trinidad, on the
sixteenth day of the month of January of 1700, the Alcaldes-
Governors Don Diego de Alaje Tenreiro and the Second
Lieutenant Don Tomas de Lezama and witnesses with whom
we act in the absence of a Notary Public, in order to fulfil the
sentence pronounced by us, which is contained in these
ordinances and already executed, and that which has been
resolved in the general meeting which is put at the head of
these ordinances, in order to make the distribution of the
women and children, as it is ordered, we made it in the
following form and manner :- Be delivered to the Captain
Jose Fernandez Palomeque, one ; another, to Pedro Angulo ;
another, to Maria Gertrudes ; another, to Juan Felipe
Fernandez another, to Dona Maria de Mendoza ; another,
to the Second Lieutenant Juan de Canas ; another, to Tomas
Randon ; another, to Dona Lucia Guerrero ; another, to
Dona Catalina Guerrero ; another, to Dona Maria de la Riva ;
another, to Dona Manuela de Leon ; another, to Diego Perez
de Leon ; another, to Juan Estanislao ; another, to Francisco
Ravelo ; another, to Felice de Lezama ; another, to the
Captain Antonio de Bustamante; another, to the Captain
Antonio de Robles ; another, to the Second Lieutenant
Jose Gonzales ; another, to Dona Sabina de Gongora ;
another, to Geronimo de Leon ; another, to Juan Antonio
Jaimes ; another, to Manuel Calderon ; another, to Don Juan
Emerio ; another, to the Captain Diego Oval ; another, to
Carlos Vocon ; another, to Andres de Arevelo ; another, to
Bartolome Sanchez ; another, to Juan Caraballo ; another,
to Michael Antunez ; another, to Manuel de Canas ;
another, to Simon de Lezama ; another, to the Comisario of
the Holy Office Don Alonso de Lerna ; another, to the
Licenciado Don Francisco Candido ; another, to Dona
Catalina de Orval ;         another, to Dona Isabela Quen ;
another, to Dona Maria de Orval ; another, to the Captain
Don Francisco Coronado ; another, to Manuel Perez ;
another, to the Captain Juan de Lezama ; another, to
Dona Catalina Quen ; another, to Ignacio Pimiento ;
another, to Don Andres Garcia ; two, to the Second Lieutenant
Martinez de Arrieta ; four, to the General Don Antonio
de la Cruz.

         And to all those it was recommended and ordered to feed
them and instruct them in our Holy Catholic faith and
Christian religion, in the meantime that the President and
the Judges of the Royal Audience and Chancery of the new
Kingdom of Granada dispose and order otherwise ; and we
order that a testimony be made of the criminal case which
the AIcaldes-Governors our predecessors instituted against
site two Indians whom they executed, and be added to these
ordinances, and the original be returned, and two copies be        
made of all those, as is ordered by our judgment, to transmit
them as and how it is ordered in our judgment. So we
dispose, order and sign with the said witnesses who were-
The Captain Don Vicente de Leon, Don Lorenzo Mendez,
and Don Juan Eusebio, residents of and present in this town,
Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Tomas de Lezama, Vincente de
Leon y Urreti, Lorenzo Mendez de Sotomayor, Don Juan
Eusebio Pacheco.



FOOTNOTE OF THIS TESTIMONY.

         This copy agrees with the two originals from which I have
copied them and I have given one copy to the Captain
Don Antonio Robles and the other to the Sergeant-Major
Don Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, because they were judges in
this cause, and by verbal order of the said Sergeant-Major,
AIcalde-Governor in the absence of a government, for the
King our Lord, I the Captain Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco,
resident of this town appointed Notary Public, ordered to
extract and extracted the contents in fifty-eight sheets of
ordinary paper, because this Government has no sealed paper,
and in testimony of this I subscribe and sign, as it is customary,
in this town of San Jose de Oruna, Island of Trinidad, the
twentieth of April of this year 1700. Accustomed fees.

In testimony of the truth.


JUAN EUSEBIO PACHECO,
Votary Public.






Letter of the Alcaldes-Governers of the
Island of Trinidad to His Majesty, giving an
account of the sedition of the Indians of the
Naparima nation of the mission of San
Francisco de la Arena, and of their murder
of the Governor of that Island, the Camp-
Master Don Jose de Leon and his companions,
to which they add the testimony of the ordinances
which contain all that has been done for the
chastisement of the rebellious.
Source : General Archives of the Indies,
Sevilla, 1700. Audience of Santa Domingo,
Sec. 5, Bundle 582.


SIR,
         Because we the Sergeant-Major Diego de Alaje Tenreiro
and the Second Lieutenant Tomas de Lezama, Alcaldes in
ordinary of this present year, are governing this Island,
because there is no Lieutenant appointed by the Governor,
give an account to your Royal Majesty, how on the first day
of December of last year '99 the Governor arid Captain
General of these Provinces Don Jose de Leon went to visit the
mission of San Francisco de la Arena of the Indians of the
Naparima nation, situated at the East of this town, at the
distance of a half-days march, having with him a Father of
the Order of Preachers who was a religious instructor for
the two settlements of this Island : the Sergeant-Major
Don Manuel Fermin de Urresti ; the Treasurer of the Royal
Treasury of this Island Don NicoIas de Salas ; the Notary
Public Mateo de Oso y Aponte ; the Captain Don Francisco
de Mier ; Jose Morales ; Pedro Pacheco and two negro-slaves
of the said persons. And the Indians of the said mission knew
this, and the same morning they rebelled and killed these
Reverend Capuchin Fathers who at that moment were there
and the Second Lieutenant Tomas de Luna, resident of this
town who had gone there to help in the construction of a
Church which they were building in that mission. And after
having executed their crime, and destroyed the ornaments,
chalices, altars and images and all that the said Fathers
possessed in the Church and in the houses, they all came with
their weapons to wait for the said Governor half a mile from
the mission. And after they had crossed the river in a canoe,
and had brought them over, immediately they reached the
place where they were hiding for them in ambush, they sent
them such a charge of arrows and so suddenly, that without
being able to offer the least resistance, they fell dead from
their horses, and so they killed them all, except the said
Sergeant-Major who was the last and had a good horse and
escaped with seven wounds of arrows, and the same night he
gave an advice and died three days after. The day after
messengers were sent to verify the event and to bring over
the body of the Governor which was not found, because they
had dragged it to the river, and thrown it in. Measures were
immediately taken to inflict chastisement, and to this effect
seven searching marches have been made, during which by
the power of the weapons many criminals have been caught,
and the greatest part of them died, because of the resistance
which they so barbarously offered. And for those who were
taken prisoner the sentence (which with the justification of
their cause was given to them) was executed for all the men,
and concerning the punishment of the women and of the boys
under the age of fourteen years, we held a general meeting and
there it was resolved that their fate would be decided by the
Royal Justice of Santa Fe in the new Kingdom, and that in
the meantime that His Highness would give his decision, they
would be distributed among the residents of this town, and
all this is more evident by the testimony of the ordinances
which are sent with this Ietter, so that after having seen them
Your Majesty may dispose of what is most convenient for
his royal service.


         God our Lord guard your catholic and royal Person the
many years that we his humble vassals desire and Christianity
needs.






Trinidad de Barlovento,
May 16 of 1700.

DIEGO DE ALAJE TENREIRO,
TOMAS DE LEZAMA,





         1700. Letter of the Alcaldes-Governors
of the Island of Trinidad, having relation to the
sedition of the Indians which took the lives of
the Capuchin Fathers and that of the Governor
Leon y Eschales.


SIR,
         In the first letter of this day we have given an account to
your Royal Majesty of the unfortunate incident of the death
of the Governor, the Captain General of this Province and the
chastisement that was executed by seven searching marches
which were made. And in this letter we give an account of
how these marches were made by the residents of this Island
helped by the Indians of the two settlements of this town, and
one the General Don Antonio de a Cruz made who is the
General of the Indians of the Naparima nation, helped and
accompanied by the Captain Diego Martin de Arrieta, a man
who helps the Fathers in the said mission, and the Naparima
Indians of the three missions who have shown themselves your
faithful vassals, as Your Majesty will recognize by the
ordinances mentioned in the first letter and for these reasons
in the royal name of Your Majesty (whom God may guard),
we have given them thanks for the good and faithful service,
and we hope that they will act in the future in the same
manner on such occasions as may present themselves. And
this has been the greatest motive of such a success, because
we found ourselves with so little protection to be able to
dominate and submit them to our will, because we are so few
residents in this Island who help in all the necessary expenses
for its defence. And although your Royal Majesty has
ordered his royal decree to the Governor and to the Captain
General of this Province to bring from the garrison of Guiana
twenty-five soldiers for the punishment and the help which
the Missionary Fathers needed and asked, they have not
brought them and cannot bring them, because only a few
days previously a hundred youths had been sent from your
castle to that fortress to receive military training. And
therefore they have come to take some residents of this Island
to serve as sentries in the said castle which is a great damage
and prejudice of this Island, because the greatest number of
those who go never come back to their town. And this has
reached such an extreme that to go to the help of the said
fortress the Captain Juan de Aguilar resident of Guaiana had
gone to Santa Fe this last year of ninety-nine, was given for
his guard and escort residents of this Island although against
his will, because those who go to that fortress, when they come
back (who can do that, because most of them die) have lost
their poor earnings, and are not able to sustain themselves.
And all this we have represented and made known to the
Royal Audience of Santa Fe in a letter which we have sent
by the Governors of the coast of Cumana and Caracas the
twenty-fourth of last January to whom we gave an account of
all that happened, and we sent them at the same time the
ordinances, asking that his Highness would provide the
remedy for such necessities. And therefore we have not
asked this until now of your Majesty from lack of sailings and
now we do it, asking very humbly that your Royal Majesty
may consider this matter with the accustomed charity and to
provide what is most convenient for his royal service.


         God our Lord guard the catholic and royal Person of
your Majesty the many years that we his humble vassals
desire and that Christianity needs.


Trinidad, the 16th May, 1700.






DIEGO DE ALAJE TENREIRO.
TOMAS DE LEZAMA.





1700. Letter of the Alcaldes-Governors
of Trinidad, to His Majesty, exposing the great
need of weapons and ammunition of which it
suffers, for the defence of this Island, for the
reasons which it gives. Trinidad, 16th May,
1700.


SIR,
         After having given an account to your Royal Majesty in
the two preceding letters of this day of all that happened
concerning the death of the Captain General of these
Provinces, we pass now to bring to the knowledge of your
sovereign Majesty the need which we have in this Island for
weapons and ammunition for its defence, because the few
which we had have been worn out in the marches which have
been made and during which many of the weapons of the
residents were also worn out. And we have had none of your
Majesty, and the Governor who died left none neither,
because those which your Majesty ordered to send to this
Island, and which reached the Governors Don Sebastian
de Roteta and Don Francisco de Meneses who were those who
received them ordered the Treasurer of the Royal Treasury
to sell them among the residents, as he did, without leaving
some in stock for those who, when the occasion presents
itself are without weapons, or are broken on some occasions,
as it happened, when the enemy entered this Island last year
of 90. And to the best residents who were fighting to defend
the entrance the weapons failed, and many burst, and for
lack of good weapons they had to abandon the fight and
retire in the mountains, and this was, Sir, the greatest cause
that they did not resist the entrance of the enemy in the town.
And therefore we entreat very humbly your Majesty to order
to provide this Island with a hundred fire-arms which will
go off with a spark, because the others cannot be handled in
this Island, because of the thick forests and the great water,
and the matches become wet and cannot be kept burning for
the occasion. And that they be sent, Sir, with the order that
they must not be sold, but that they are reserved for the above
mentioned occasions, for besides what has happened, it
happens that on the occasion of the marches and disputes
which are frequent enough. in this Island, that many residents
have bad weapons from lack of one who can repair them,
and many strangers have not, and if there were in stock, this
Island could be defended with the glory of our triumph which
we must obtain by the royal arms of your Majesty. And we
entreat your Majesty to order to provide powder and bullets
for the said guns, and that they be sent by the first occasion
for this Island, because of that which has been exposed, and
because it finds itself exposed to the fatalities of rebellions of
Indians as well as to the attacks of the enemies of the Royal
Crown. And all that we put before the Sovereign for the
consideration of your Royal Majesty, in order that in view
of that your Royal Majesty may protide that which is most
convenient for his royal service. And God our Lord guard
.your catholic royal Person the many years that we his humble
vassals desire, and his Monarchy needs.

Trinidad de Barlovento, May 16, 1700.

DIEGO DE ALAJE TENREIRO
TOMAS DE LEZAMA.



         Judicial proceedings in the Island of Trini-
dad against the Indians of the Mission of San
Francisco de la Arena containing the judgement
given against some of the guilty of the murder
of the Missionary Fathers and of the Governor
of the Island.
         1699. General Archives of the Indies,
Seville, Audience of Sto. Domingo. Sect. 6
Bundle 582.


DECREE AND ORDER TO CAPTURE THE INDIANS GUILTY OF THE
HERE INDICATED CRIME.

         In the town of San Jose de Oruna, Isle of Trinidad, orb
the first day of the month of December, 1699, the alcaldes in
ordinary state, as it seems the best to the right and the laws of
his Majesty, that the Governor and Captain General Don Jose
de Leon y Echales left this town yesterday, the last day of
November of this year, accompanied by the Sergeant-Major,
Don Manuel Fermin, and other inhabitants, in order to visit
two settlements of Indians that exist in this island, and after
having visited that of Dona Geronima de Urrestiqui, they
went to that of the Captain Fabian de Mier, where they
resolved to visit the holy mission of San Francisco de la Arena.
In carrying out this plan, close to that mission, and at the
passage of the river Aripo, some Indians killed the said
Governor and companions. The Sergeant-Major was badly
wounded by several arrows, and brought to this town where
he received the last sacraments, and public rumour says that
all the others were killed. The Governor did not return,
and in order to know whether he is alive or dead, we order the
Camp-Master, Don Pedro Fernandez de la Vega, inhabitant
of this town, as first chief, and file Captain Juan de Lezama,
as second, to leave this town without delay, with a guard of
thirty armed men to seek for the Governor and his
companions, and bring them to this town dead or alive.
And to fulfil this order that he take with him some Indians,
as he sees fit, and search the country as far as the mission,
and cheek the rumour of the Indians concerning the
happenings, and order what is good for the general welfare
of this country, and the safety of its inhabitants, and bring us
the necessary information. This was fixed on the said day,
at three o'clock in the morning of the said month and year,
with the following witnesses, in the absence of the notary
Public Matheo de Oso y Aponte who was in the company of
the said Governor-Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda,
Antonio de Robles, Antonio de Bustamante, Juan de Mendoza,
Martin Alonso Guerrero.


NOTIFICATION AND ACCEPTANCE.

         And immediately after we the said alcaldes made this
order known to the said Camp-Master Don Pedro Fernandez
de la Vega for its execution, he said that he had understood
and was ready to execute the order, as it was given, and
signed. Accordingly thirty soldiers were put at his disposal.
And we order that in the meantime the doors be closed, and
guards be put in the royal houses where the Governor lived,
in addition to those already there, because it is desirable to
protect his possessions, until his death is certain, and take in
due time further convenient steps-Juan Martinez
de Vengoechea y Esponda, Antonio de Robles, Pedro
Fernandez de Ia Vega.




EXECUTION OF THE ORDER AND DECLARATION OF WHAT
WAS EXECUTED.

         Signed statement given on oath by the Camp-Master Don Pedro
Fernandez de la Vega at St. Joseph de Oruna, 3rd December, 1699 :
He reported that he left this town on the indicated day, about
four o'clock in the morning, with thirty soldiers, armed with
fire-weapons, and that he reached the river called Aripo,
which is about four or five hours from this town, and about
half an hour from the mission of Arena, where he stopped
with the said soldiers, because he found dead bodies on the
bank of a bend in the river. These bodies were identified by
the Camp-Master and the Infantry, one being that of the
Purser of the royal estate, Don Nicholas de Salas, and another
that of the Notary Public, Matheo de Ozo y Aponte, killed
apparently by arrows.


         And when they crossed the river near the mission in a
boat, because the river was much swollen, and could not be
passed in any other way, they found dead there the Rev.
Father Juan Mazien de Sotomayer of the Order of Preachers,
and Parish-Priest of the settlement of San Agustin de Arouca
and of that of San Pablo de Carigua ; Joseph de Morales,
surgeon of this town, and a negro-slave of the Governor,
called José, and another of Captain Francisco de Mier, agent-
of the settlement of San Agustin de Arouca, called Pedro, and
another body in the river which was thought to be that of the
Governor. And we could not find the body of Don Francisco
de Mier, nor that of Pedro Pacheco, nor that of another negro
of the Sergeant-Major Don Manuel Fermin de Urresti,
because the river was much swollen by the continuous rains.
And because it was about six o'clock in the evening, and we
could not reach the mission of Arena during the day, and we
had no shelter for the infantry during the night, we went
back to the valley of San Agustin de Arouca, from where a
message was sent to this town, giving a special account of the
above, which can he supplemented by the declaration which
the other soldiers may make, as being the truth, given under
oath in due form, which he maintains and ratifies. And he
said that he had a little more or less than fifty years, and
signs with the witnesses present Captain Juan de Lezama,
Captain Domingo Nieto de Soberado, and Captain Don
Antonio de Bustamante, inhabitants of this town-Juan
Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda-Antonio de Robles,
Juan de Lezama, Pedro Fernandez de Ia Vega, Antonio
de Bustamante, Domingo Nieto de Soberado.

DECLARATIONS OF (i) DON FRANCISO CORONADO (AGED 30),
         (ii) JUAN DE MIER (AGED 32), AND (iii) CIPRIAN DE MIER
         (AGED 24).
         The above witnesses, on oath, substantiated the statement of the
Camp-Master, Don Pedro Fernandez, and supplemented his evidence
with the following information :-
         (i) Captain Don Francisco Coronado : that they found
               close to the river, where the treacherous attack
               was made, numerous arrows which were believed
               to have been directed at the Sergeant-Major of
               this island, Don Manuel Fermin, whom they
               brought to this town, where he received the last
               Sacraments, and died of wounds, caused by
               five arrows.           
         (ii) Captain Juan de Mier : he had found in the road
               some arrows, and that these were supposed to have
               been directed at Don-Manuel Fermin, Sergeant-
               Major of this island, who received the last
               Sacraments in this town, being badly wounded
               by five arrows, from which he died;
        (iii) Ciprian de Mier : if the march had been continued
               to the mission of Arena after crossing the river,
               they would have put themselves in evident danger
               of life, because of the great number of Indians, and
               the bad roads, and the rainy weather, with the
               suspicion of ambushes, and that in this other part
               of the road they found some arrows, and that they
               said that those were shot at the Sergeant-Major of
               this island Don Manuel Fermin, when they retired.
               He died in this town of five wounds from arrows.

These witnesses signed their statements in the presence of :-

Alfarez Juan Garcia de Miranda, Alfarez Silvestre Ernandez
and Lorenzo Marcano, inhabitants of this town, Antonio
de Robles, Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda.



ORDINANCE TO MAKE THE INVENTORY.

         In this said town, on the fourth day of the said month of
December, 1699, we the said Sergeant-Major Juan Martinez
de Vengoechea y Esponda and Antonio Robles, alcaldes in
ordinary of this town, in the name of the King for whom we
govern, because of the death of the Camp-Master Don José
de Leon y Echales, Governor and Captain General of this
said town, and because two Indians were brought to this
town prisoners, as guilty of these murders the one called
Pedro who says that he is a Christian, and the other called
Luis, who says that he is not baptized, we gave order to
Captain Calixto of the mission of Savaneta, and also to the
said Captain Don Vicente de Urrestigui and Don Juan
Pacheco, and infantry, to seek, make prisoner and bring to
town the other Indians guilty of said crime, and we order
that in         the meantime the two said Indians be put in jail
under the watch of the Guard which is placed in the royal
houses of this town, and that the inventory be made of the
goods of the said Governor which are there, and that the
Trustees of his residence, the Camp-Master Don Pedro
Fernandez de la Vega and others be notified, as is written in
the town-book, to be present at this inventory and to take
further all the other convenient steps. So we arrange, order
and sign in the presence of witnesses.


ACKNOWLEDGMENT BY THE CAMP-MASTER.

         And immediately after we the said alcaldes notify and
make known this ordinance to the Camp-Master Pedro
Fernandez, as Trustee of the Governor Don José de Leon to
be present at the inventory of his goods, as he had been ordered,
and he says that he had heard and understood, and that he is
present for himself and for Don Vicente de Leon y Urrestigui
who is also Trustee, and whom he legally represents at said
inventory, because he is absent from the town to execute the
order which was given to him to go with, infantry to the
mission of Arena, and for the third Trustee of said Governor
Sergeant-Major Don Manuel de Urrestigui, deceased.
         Signed by Pedro Fernandez in the presence of witnesses.


INVENTORY.

         Captain Don Antonio de Robles in the absence of the other alcalde,
Sergeant-Major Don Juan Martin de Vengoecher y Esponda, who was
sick in bed, and with the assistance of the Camp-Master Don Pedro
Fernandez de la Vega, Trustee of the murdered Governor, thereupon
made an inventory of the Governor's possessions. The list of vestments,
furniture and papers occupy 11 1/2 pages of the typewritten copy of the
original documents. Mention is made in the inventory of two horses
which were found on 5th December in the mission of Arena where
they had strayed without saddles. The papers record that the negro,
Jose Gabriel, died by the side of the Governor. The inventory was
begun on 4th December and completed on the 5th, while the list of
papers was compiled between the 6th and 13th December.


CUSTODY OF THE INVENTORIED GOODS.

         The Alcalde, Don Antonio de Robles duly transmitted all the
goods and papers mentioned in the inventory to the custody of the
Camp-Master Pedro Fernandez de la Vega and Captain Vicente de Leon
in due and legal form on the 14th December, 1699, in the town of
St. Joseph.



The Arena Massacre of Trinidad Part 2.

$
0
0

ORDINANCE AND DECLARATION OF PEDRO RAMOS (AGED 34
YEARS) CONCERNING THAT WHICH HE OWES.

         In this said town, on the above named day, month and
year, I the said alcalde Don Antonio de Robles received a
notice that Pedro Ramos, inhabitant of this town, had an
account with the Camp-Master Don Jose de Leon, Governor
and Captain General of this town and island, for his Majesty
the King, and that it seems that he owes a certain amount.
So I ordered him to appear before me and the Camp-Master
Don Pedro Fernandez de la Vega and Captain Don Vicente
de Leon y Urrestigui and witnesses, and declare under oath
what he owes to the said Governor. And when he was
present, I the said alcalde received his oath which he made
to God our Lord, and with a sign of the Cross, under the
obligation of which he promised to say the truth, and being
asked, he said that it is true that he had some accounts with
the said Governor, while he was living in this town, after he
began to govern, and that he owes him for fruits of the Island
of Margarita, hides, cheese, meat, two hundred and forty-three
pesos and two reales, which he is ready to hand over in the
nature of cacao, as is the custom, to whom he will be ordered
to pay. And that a receipt he given him for his security.
And after having seen this, I the said alcalde ordered him to
hand over this sum of two hundred and forty-three pesos and
two reales to the said Camp-Master Don Pedro Fernandez
de la Vega who was present as Trustee of the said Governor
whom God may have in His residence, and that he keep them
in deposit with the other goods, according to these arrange-
ments. And having heard and understood this, he said that
he had received this quantity on deposit.

         In this said town on the eighteenth of the months of
December of the said year, 1699, we the said Sergeant-Major
Don Juan Martinez de Vengoechea and the Captain
Don Antonio Robles, alcaldes in ordinary, who are in charge
of the government for His Majesty, said that on this same day
a pirogue reached Port-of-Spain of this island from the
Island of Margarita with fruits, under the direction of Sergeant -
Major Don CristobaI de la Riva who brought eighteen letters
addressed to the Camp-Master Don Jose de Leon, Governor
and Captain General of this Island of Trinidad. We found
it convenient to open them and to see, if they contained some
orders for the Royal Service or something that might belong
to the said Governor, and we opened and read them in the
presence of his Trustees who lived here, and of the witnesses,
because there was no Notary Public, and we found that it
was ordinary mail from his friends and his acquaintances of
that island and of its Governor, and we ordered to add them
to the other inventoried goods, and therefore we gave them
over to his Trustees, and we signed in the presence of witnesses.
And in these letters was given a notice that the pest reigned in
Puerto Rico and Veracruz.




DECLARATION BY JUAN FRANCISCO JARA Y VALVERDE, ADJUTANT
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF HIS INDEBTEDNESS
TO THE LATE GOVERNOR.

         He said that it is true that he had some accounts with the
said Governor, and for its settlement he showed different
papers and memoirs, and we the said alcaldes have seen and
inspected those papers too badly arranged for a settlement.
And therefore we gave them back to him in order to arrange
them better, having ample time, because of the many
occupations in which we found ourselves at the death of the
said Governor, the Reverend Fathers of the mission, and other
residents of this town. Signed by the said adjutant in the presence
of witnesses.


DECLARATION BY DIEGO RODRIGUEZ BARRENO OF HIS
INDEBTEDNESS TO THE LATE GOVERNOR.

         He said that it was true that he had an account with the
said Governor concerning some fish for the use of the
Governor's house, arid for this reason he owes to the deceased
one hundred and thirty-three pesos and six reales, and he is
ready to pay this sum to whom me must pay. After having
seen this we the said alcaldes ordered the said Diego Rodriguez
Barreno to pay the one hundred arid thirty-three pesos and
six reales to the Camp-Master Pedro Fernandez de Ia Vega,
local Trustee of the Governor, in whose possession are all his
goods in deposit. This Trustee being present said that this
sum was handed over to him, and he signed in the presence
of witnesses.
And immediately after, on the same day, month and year
above indicated, came before us the Captains Don Vincente
de Leon y Urrestigui and Don Juan Ensebio Pacheco and
showed the order which was given to them to go with forty men
to the mission of Arena and surroundings, to seek and make
prisoners the Indians guilty of the murders of the Capuchin
Missionaries and of the Governor of this place and other
residents, his companions. They were ordered to declare
under oath which they made in due form, what they had
executed in virtue of the order they received, and they said,
that on the fifth day of the present month they left this town
to execute the order at about eleven o'clock and went with
the men, weapons and Indians of Tacarigua and Arauca to
the valley of Arauca to take there a supply of bread. They
did this that day, and then went to the valley of Arima,
where darkness over-took them, and spent the night there.
The following day they left with their men and followed the
road of the mission of Arena which they reached at twelve
o'clock. They found that mission abandoned, the Holy
Church in disorder, and the holy statues with eyes pulled
out, and broken nose. And led by the marks of blood they
sought after the bodies of the dead and they found that
Brother Raimendo de Figuerola was buried within an
enclosure of woodwork, and that the two others and the
carpenter Tomas de Luna were buried in the foundation
trenches of the new Church which they were building, and
which had been filled up. For this reason they left the said
mission on the same day and reached the first cottage to
which the aggressors had gone when they took to their
flight, and passed the night there. And by those very tracks
they could follow them over these mountains and ridges,
until they found themselves on the sixth day of the month
about ten o'clock close to the sea. They despatched the
vanguard to the beach who brought news that the aggressors
were on the beach. And because they were so close to them,
they made three battle-lines with their men and attacked them.
And the said aggressors, seeing that they were attacked closely,
defended themselves and threw themselves its the sea in the
number of ten or twelve, and continued to defend themselves
from there, shooting arrows until they died from bullets.
And in this attack they made two Indian women prisoners of
whom the said Captain asked where the other aggressors were.
And they said that they were in cottages along the beach to
the south, and that they had seen them there, because that
beach was without shelter. For this reason, without delay
and taking as a guide one of those women, and leaving a
guard in this road, they went with the rest of their men, at
that hour, to seek the aggressors who came out from different
places, three by three or more, to the midst of the beach,
where they had brought almost all the members of their
families. And out of the middle of them came forward about
twenty Indians who joined themselves with the others and
pushed their families in a big and rough marsh. And there
the said Captains separated themselves, and while Don Vicente
de Leon followed with half of his men the track in the marsh,
on Juan Ensebio with the other half followed those on the
beach as far as the river that they call Narigua which was
so swollen that the aggressors and the said Captain could not
pass it. Therefore, when those aggressors saw that they were
closely pursued, they threw themselves in the marsh. In this
hunt and search they were occupied the rest of that day, and
the whole of the following day, and they killed many persons,
until those Captains saw the impossibility of taking them
prisoners or following them, because of the roughness of the
marsh. And so they resolved to go back, the more because
the day before the provisions which they brought with them
were exhausted. And so they marched to the first cottage,
and met on the beach Antonio del Campo, Indian General
of the mission of Naparima who with eighty Indians had gone
in search of the aggressors. To those men and that General
the said Captains indicated the place where they were and
recommended him to take great care. And the said Captains
continued their march and on the following day they met on
the same beach Cipriano de Mier and Blas Morillo, with
twenty Indians, who had been sent by us to bring provisions
to them. And having received this help, they resolved to
wait, and had time to gather the sacred vessels, ornaments,
corporals which those criminals had divided among themselves
with little respect, and had thrown away in their flight.
And when Cirpiano de Mier had handed over his provisions,
and a letter written by us to those Captains, they divided
them among the men. And while Captain Don Vicente
explored the borders of the marsh, he encountered four
Indian men and women whom he killed, because he could
not take them prisoners. And Captain Juan Ensebio Pacheco
destroyed with the rest of his men the coconut-plantations to
take away from them the means of living. After this was
done by both Captains, Don Juan Ensebio came to this
town, followed by Captain Don Vincente, without having been
able to do other things. because of the indicated difficulties.
All this which is said and declared is the truth given under
the responsibility of the oath which they made, and they
maintain and ratify it, and for greater abundance refer to the
other declarations concerning this happening which might be
given, and they gave their age, Don Vicente twenty-eight
years, and Don Juan Ensebio a little more or less than
forty years, and they sign with the witnesses present who were
Martin Guerrero, Juan de Mendoza, Rodrigo Marcano,
residents of this town, Juan Martinez Vengoechea y Esponda,
Antonio de Robles, Vicente de Leon y Urrestigui, Don Juan
Ensebio Pacheco, Martin Alonso Guerrero, Juan de Mendoza,
Rodrigo Marcano.


         And immediately after, in view of this declaration, we the
said alcaIdes gave an order that to these acts he added the
ordinance and the papers of help and the notice that this
help was sent to the above named Captains Don Vicente
de Leon y Urrestigui and Don Juan Ensebio Pacheco, as it
was said in their declaration, as proof. And in view of all
this we ordered to take further convenient dispositions. So
we arrange, order and sign in the presence of witnesses.




ORDINANCE.

         We, the Sergeant-Major Juan Martinez de Vengoechea
y Esponda and Captain Antonio do Robles, alcaldes in
ordinary of this town of San Jose do Oruna and of the Island
of Trinidad, in the name of our Lord the King, and in whose
charge is the government of this Island and its provinces, in
virtue of royal orders, because of the death of the late Camp-
Master Don Jose de Leon y Echales, Governor and Captain
General, arranged and gave order to the Captains Don Vicente
de Leon y Urrestigui, and Don Juan Ensebio Pacheco, that
at once and without delay they go with forty armed men to
the missions of Arena, and there and in the surroundings
search and make prisoners the Indians whom they would
find out to be guilty of the death of the said Governor and
other persons who accompanied him in the visit to the said
mission, so as it sufficiently will appear to the said Captains
Don Vicente de Leon and Don Juan Entsebio, and likewise
make prisoner the other Indians whom they find to have been
accomplices of the indicated crime, and bring them to this
town and give them over to the Guard. Likewise they shall
examine the said mission and other places, as they will judge
convenient, in order to know and verify, whether those
Indians killed the Capuchin Fathers, and other damage they
caused there, and the reason of all this, in the shortest possible
time, in order to take all the other convenient measures in
the service of their Majesties, and the public welfare and
preservation of this community. Dated in this town on the
fifth day of the month of December of 1699. And the order
and the charge was given to the said Captain Don Vicente
de Leon, that he as principal commander take the necessary
steps for the fulfilling of this order, and divide the men in
divisions with their respective Chiefs, as it seems best for its
effect and execution, precisely and punctually. And if he
would be unable, or for some other legitimate inconvenience,
then the Second Commander shall execute the indicated
order, as we hope by its loyalty and zeal in the royal service
of His Majesty. Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda,
Antonio de Robles.

LETTER.

         Sir Captain Don Vicente. As soon as we received your
advice, although oral, through the soldier Florencio, we took
care to send to your Honour without delay to-day Tuesday
two o'clock in the afternoon Blas Morillo and Cipriano
de Mier, with two little jars of brandy and other provisions
and with the order for Captain Juan de Lezama to pass at
Arauca, and add to this the cassava which they would be able
to take with the Indians who would go with them, so that
provisions might not fail them. And in Arauca order was
given to hand over to you the cassava which would be needed,
where your Honour can send some one to hand it to you in
the house of the Fiscal Nicolas. You will give us an account
of all that happens, so that we are advised and make the
necessary arrangements for the chastisement of such an
atrocity, and the preservation of this community, and we
gave a part to your Honour of the news which had been
given us by the Father Prefect Gabriel de Barcelona that he
sent on Sunday before yesterday the General Antonio with
a good number of Indians of his mission and of that of the
land of Moruga, to go through the coconut plantations, and
that they went over the Northern part, without another
reason than that you know what passed there, arid they will
give you this letter, so that at all times this may be evident.
God guard your Honours many years.


Trinidad, the eight of December of 1699. Of your
Honours whose hand they kiss, JUAN MARTINEZ
DE VENGOECHEA, DON ANTONIO DE ROBLES.




ANOTHER WRITTEN MESSAGE.

TO THE CAPTAINS DON VICENTE AND DON JUAN.

         To-day Saturday came to us in our quarter Bartolome
Sanchez and Captain Calixto, with two spies from Arena who
went to Savaneta. They were tortured and admitted that
they alone were the aggressors, without having had a part
with others. Thursday they went to the old plantations on
the road of the coconut plantations, to take provisions and to
take refuge on the mount Tamanaco, to wait there for the
Guarauns and to go with them according to circumstances.
There is nothing else to relate to Your Honours. By the
tracks you will see the way they took. We hope Your Honours
will not come without them. That God our Lord will give
you a good chance for the chastisement of such a crime as
they have committed. God guard Your Honours many
years. To-day the fourth of December of 1699.

         The Servant of Your Honours who kisses your hands.


         By the bearers you will give us news, although they would
be stopped one day.

ANTONIO DE ROBLES.



ORDINANCE.

In this town of San José de Oruna, the fifteenth day of
the month of December, 1699, we the Sergeant-Major Juan
Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda and Captain Don Antonio
de Robles, its alcaldes in ordinary, under whose care is the
government, declare that the Captain Calixto who is Captain
of the Indians of the mission of Savaneta of this island, received
the order to seek for and to make prisoner and to bring to
this town the Indians of the mission of Arena who killed
treacherously three missionaries who worked in this mission,
and a lay-man, the said Governor and other persons of this
town who accompanied him, brought two prisoners of said
Indians who are under guard. The one is called Pedro, and
the other Luis, and they said that they were aggressors
in this crime, and we order that their declarations be taken,
with the assistance of Captain Don Antonio de Bustamante,
resident of this town, Protector of the Indians of this island,
and we order that this declaration be added to the other
declarations, and in view of all this to take the other convenient
steps. So we arrange, order and sign with the witnesses
present.



NOTIFICATION TO THE PROTECTOR.

         And immediately after we the said alcaldes, made the
above written order personally known to the Captain
Don Antonio de Bustamante, Protector of the Indians of this
island, and he signed it. Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y
Esponda, Don Antonio de Robles, Antonio de Bustamante.


DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN PEDRO.

         In this same town, on the eighteenth day of the indicated
month and year, we the said alcaldes, to fulfil the order above
indicated, received the declaration of the Indian Pedro
through the Captain Luis, chief Indian of the settlement of
Dona Geronima de Urrestigui, resident of this town, who
fulfilled the role of interpreter, because the said Pedro did
not know the Spanish language, and therefore the said
interpreter, being versed in different languages and knowing
the meaning of an oath, made it to our God and with a sign
of the Cross in due legal form, under the obligation of which
he promised faithfully to say that which the said Pedro would
answer to all that would have been asked him, and they put
to him the following questions :- What is his name ? Of
what place is he a native ? What employment and age has
he ? And he answered -That he is called Pedro, that he is
a native of this Island, and of the Mission of San Francisco
de la Arena. They asked him further, if he knows, that it is
a great crime to kill treacherously the Missionary Fathers and
other persons whomsoever; he answered that he did not
know, but that the old people know it. Then, he was asked
who killed Father Estevan and Father Marcos, Capuchin
Missionaries Priests, and the Lay Brother Raimundo of the
said mission, and the carpenter Tomas de Luna, in the mission
of Arena, at what hour and in what manner they killed them,
and for what reason. He answered that there were three
Indian brothers of the same mission who killed the said
Fathers and Tomas de Luna, and that one of those murderers
was the alcalde of that place, and was called Bustamante,
and the two other murderers were called Lucas and Sebastien,
and other Indians of the said mission, and that, after they
had killed them, they stripped them, and with ropes around
the neck dragged them and buried them head first in some
pits which they had made in the construction of a new Church
which the Fathers were building. And it was on a Tuesday,
the first of this month, between nine and ten o'clock in the
morning. And as soon as they had killed the fathers and the
lay-man Luna, all the Indians of the said mission went with
their bows and arrows to the royal road which leads to the
said mission to wait with their weapons in ambush in the
hills for the Governor and the others who accompanied him
in the visit to the said mission. And between three to four
o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, when the Governor
passed, after having crossed the river, they shot a good number
of arrows at him on horseback, until they killed them all,
including the two Negroes who went on foot. And after
having killed them, they left the bodies in the road and went
back to the mission, and destroyed all that was in the kitchen,
broke the statues, pulling out the eyes of San Francisco, and
broke the fingers and the top of the nose of the Virgin of the
Rosary and of the blessed corporals and other ornaments
of the Church, those Indian men and women made "guaiucos"
to cover their bodies. And while the said Indians left behind
the Indian women and the boys to gather provisions, they
went back to the road and stripped the dead bodies, and in
the same manner that of a Dominican Father, and threw
them in the river, except two who had been killed at a further
distance. And when they had done that, they resolved to go
with those spoils to a hill called Tamanaco, situated in this
Island. The said Indian Pedro was put as sentry in a road
to see, if other Spaniards would come ; he became tired of
watching, and went to another mission, where they caught
him and brought him as prisoner to this town. And the
interpreter declared that this is the truth which the said Pedro
had answered to all which was asked him under the charge of
an oath which he made, and he maintains and ratifies this as
Christian and says that he is a little more or less than
seventy years of age, and the said Pedro does not know his age,
but he looks, as if he was a little more or less than twenty years
of age. And because the said interpreter was skilled in
languages and understood the value of an oath, this declaration
was given to him to read, and he said that he had heard and
understood, that it was the same as that which the said Pedro
had declared, and nothing more came to his memory, except
the truth which he had spoken, although he is an Indian of
the district of the said mission and known by the Indians of
that mission. He did not sign, because he said he could not.
The said alcaIdes and the Protector of the said Indians who
were present at all that has been related , signed with the
witnesses who were the Sergeant-Major Don Diego de Alaje
y Tenreiro, Martin Alonso Guerrero and Manuel de Rianos,
residents of this city, Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda,
Antonio de Robles, Diego de Alaje Tenreiro, Martin Alonso
Guerrero, Manuel Rianos.






DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN LUIS.

         The Indian, Luis, then gave the following evidence through an
interpreter, Martin :  And he answered through the said
interpreter that his name is Luis, although he is not baptized ;
that he is a native of this Island and of the mission of' Arena
and that he does not know his age. He seems to be a little
more or less than twenty years of age. And in the said
mission he had no other occupation than that of planting
fruits.
Asked why he was not a Christian, he said that he was
Iearning to pray. Asked, if he knew who killed in the same
mission of Arena the Reverend Fathers Estevan and Marcos,
Priests, and the Lay-Brother Raimundo, and the carpenter
Tomas de Luna, resident of this town and official carpenter
who was building a new Church in the same mission, for the
increase of the divine cuIt and the instruction in the Holy
doctrine of the said Indians, he answered that he knew those
who killed those Fathers and Tomas de Luna.
         Asked who killed them and for what reason, he said that
Bustamante, alcalde of the said mission, and with him,
Antonio, Sebastian and Lucas, all Indian kinsmen of said
mission killed them, and that the said Antonio was Lieutenant
there, and that the reason, for which they killed the Fathers
was, that they feared that the Governor who would come to
visit said mission, would punish them for their transgressions,
as he had done a few days before in the missions of Naparima,
Savanna Grande, and Savaneta with the Indian sorcerors and
those who contradicted the instruction of the holy doctrine.
And he said that they dragged them and buried them in the
pits of the foundations of the building, putting them in, head
down, and Brother Raimundo close to a pig-yard. And he
added that it was Tuesday the first, between ten and eleven
o'clock in the morning, and that they passed immediately to
the royal road to wait for the Governor and the others who
with him was on his way to visit said mission. And they put
themselves in ambush on the hill at the edge of the river Aripo,
and about three or four o'clock in the evening of said day,
after the Governor and his companions had passed the river,
and were again on horseback, they shot at them a great
number of arrows, until they killed them all and some horses.
And Ieaving the bodies in the road, they went back to the
mission in order to destroy, eat and drink that which was in
the kitchen of the Fathers, making pieces of the sacred
corporals and other ornaments of the Church, with which
they covered their bodies, while they put spies in the road in
case more white people would pass, and returning to the road,
they stripped the bodies of all the vestments, and dragged
them naked in skins to the hill, and the Governor and others
to the river, and retired with the spoils to the mission. There
they resolved to go all to mount Tamanaco to hide themselves,
and not to be punished for such a crime.
         The above was sworn by the interpreter as being correct in the
presence of said Alcaldes, the Protector and witnesses.


DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN WOMAN MATILDA.

         The Indian woman, Mailda, then made the following declaration
through an interpreter, Captain Martin de Mendoza : Asked her
name, she answered that her name is, as it said, that she is a
native of this Island, and married to an Indian of the said
mission, called Juan. She could not tell her age ; she seemed
to be a little more or less than twenty years of age. Different
questions were put to her, and especially who killed the
Reverend Fathers Estevan and Marcos, Priests, and the
Lay-Brother Raimundo, and the carpenter Tomas de Luna,
resident of this town, and she answered through the same
interpreter that Bustamante, Felix, Sebastian, Lucas. Indians
of said mission, and Antonio, Lieutenant there, killed them,
and she heard that the other Indians said this at that time,
and when they took their flight into the coconuts, and that
she likewise heard it said that the Governor and other
Spaniards were killed. She was asked, where they stopped,
when they took to flight and she answered through the same
interpreter that the most of those Indians threw themselves
in a marsh to the south, and that the others threw themselves
into the sea. And her husband and herself and another ten
or twelve men, women and children were killed or taken
prisoner by the Captain Don Vicente de Urresti and DossJuan
Eusebio. She, Matilda and another Indian woman, called
Agustina, were taken prisoner, and the others were killed by
arrows and bullets, and it was impossible to pursue all the
others, because of the roughness of this marsh. And she
added through the interpreter that she knows nothing more
of the happening than what she has declared.
         The above was sworn by the interpreter as being correct in the
presence of the Alcaldes, the Protector and witnesses.

DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN WOMAN AGUSTINA.

         The Indian woman, Agustina, was then questioned. And she
answered through the same interpreter that her name is
Agustina, that she is a Christian, that she is not married, and
that Bustamante, Lucas, Felix, Sebastian and Antonio with
the others killed the Reverend Fathers and dragged and
buried them in the pits that were dug to construct a Church,
and that they buried there also the said Luna, an official
carpenter who was employed in the work of this Church.
And they reduced to pieces the chalices, chrismatory, the
custody, and divided them among themselves, and the other
ornaments and corporals they cut in pieces to cover their
bodies. And they pulled out the eyes of the images, and they
destroyed the consecrated altar, and they did all that about
ten or eleven o'clock in the morning. And at once they went
in ambush to wait for the Governor, and these were
Bustamante, Hilario and others. And when they had fled
to the coconut-plantations, the Captains Don Juan Eusebio
Pacheco and Don Vicente de Leon came with the men they
had taken with them. And they attacked them, and ten or
twelve men threw themselves in the sea, where they died,
killed by arrows and bullets. And she was taken prisoner,
and all the other people were spread along the beach, and as
the rumour went that there had been a fight, they threw
themselves in the marsh. And this is all that she knows.
         The above was sworn by the interpreter as being correct in the
presence of the Alcaldes, the Protector and witnesses.


DECLARATION OF THE CACIQUE DON LORENZO DE MENDOZA.

         On the 19th of December, 1699, at San Jose de Oruna, the
Cacique Don Lorenzo de Mendoza, who belongs to the
Indians of Arauca . . . who, after our order went to
punish some Indians, perpetrators of the murders of
the Capuchin Fathers, made the following declaration
on oath: He said that he was in company of the
Spaniards who left this town on the fifth of the present
month to seek after the Indians aggressors, and that he took
with him all his men, and passed through the mission of Arena,
where he saw the ruins, that the aggressors made, mutilating
the Holy images of Our Lady and of San Francisco, and that
he went with these Spaniards to overtake them, until he
reached the sea, on the beach of which on the ninth day of
the present month about mid-day they found a cottage which
contained between ten or twelve Indians, whom they attacked
with charges of arrows and bullets, until they threw themselves
in the sea, where they were killed by bullets, and of the three
who remained on the beach, those Spaniards hanged two
from the trees. And in the said cottage they made prisoner
two Indian women, from whom they received the news that
the other Indian transgressors were further on the beach, and
with this information they went on in search of them, and
they could put their hands only on some Indian women whom
they killed, and all the others had thrown themselves in a
very rough marsh, into which the said Caeique with the
Spaniards followed them during the rest of that day and the
following day, until they saw the impossibility of pursuing
them further, and sent back to this town, and that the
two Indian women whom they made prisoners are Matilda
and Agustina.
         The Cacique then swore to the truth of the above statement in the
presence of the Alcaldes and witnesses.


                  DECLARATION OF MARTIN DE MENDOZA.

         Martin de Mendoza Captain of the Indians of San
Agustin de Arauca . . . who went to pursue the Indians, . . .
took the oath and declared ... that on the fifth of the present
month he left this town in the company of the Spaniards who went
to pursue the aggressors with their Cacique, and other known
Indians, and when he had reached the said mission of Arena,
he saw the holy Church in disorder, and the image of Our Lady
mutilated by said guilty Indians who cut her nose, and that
of the glorious San Francisco, with one eye pulled out, and
that from there they went to the sea and found there a cottage
which sheltered ten or twelve Indian men of the transgressors.
And there the Spanish Captains made three battle-lines,
two of Indians and one of men with fire-arms and attacked
them, closely pursuing them with bullets and arrows, until
some of them threw themselves in the sea, where they continued
to fight, until they were killed by bullets. And he said that
those Captains hanged two Indians of the three who died on
the said beach, and that in the other cottage they made
prisoners two Indian women, called Matilda and Agustina,
from whom they heard that the other aggressors had dispersed
over the beach towards the south. And with this knowledge
they went on to seek for them, and some came out to fight,
and some were killed in this encounter, and some threw
themselves in a very rough marsh, where they followed them
during the rest of the day and during the following day, and
when they saw the impossibility to take them prisoners,
because of the roughness of said marsh, they resolved to go
back to this town, taking with them the two mentioned
prisoners.
         Mendoza then swore to the truth of the above statement in the
presence of the Alcaldes and witnesses.




DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN LUIS.

         . . . Luis, Indian Captain of the Indians of San Pablo of
Tacarima, because he had taken part in the pursuit of the
Indians of the mission of Arena . . . then took the oath : He said
that on the fifth day of this month he left this town in company
of the Captains Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco and Don Vicente
de Leon y Urrestigui with all the Indians of his party and
that of Arauca and the Spaniards who were sent by us, and
that he reached the mission of Arena which they found
deserted, the temple destroyed, the holy images mutilated,
and from there they marched two days, until they reached
the sea at the coconut plantations, and they, found there on
the beach a cottage of the seditious Indians which sheltered
as many as twelve of them. And when this cottage was
attacked, they defended themselves and threw themselves in
the sea, and from there continued to defend themselves, until
they died by bullets. And in the same cottage two Indian
women were made prisoners, named Agustina and Matilda
who informed them where the others were on the beach, and
there they followed them, until they threw themselves into
marshy land, and they killed some during the rest of that day
and the following day, and seeing that further pursuit would
be fruitless, they returned to this same town with the named
two Indian women as prisoners.

         Luis then swore to the truth of the above statement in the presence
of the Alcaldes and witnesses.

DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN BONIFACIO.

         . . . Bonifacio, Indian of the party of San Pablo of
Tacarigua and their Lieutenant, of whom the oath was
taken because lie was one who went after the aggressors
.  .  .  Said that on the fifth day of this present month
he left this named town in company of the Spaniards
who were sent by us to pursue the aggressors, and
other Indians of their party and other parties, and that on
the following day they reached the mission of Arena, which
he saw destroyed, and the Church in disorder and the holy
images mutilated, and from here he went over with the others
as far as the sea towards the southern part of this Islands
where ten or twelve Indians of the aggressors had taken
refuge in a Cottage, and they opened a fight with them, and
killed them all, because they threw themselves in the sea,
where they defended themselves until they died, and there
they made prisoners two Indian women, called Matilda and
Agustina, from whom they heard that the other aggressors
were in the cottage of that beach more ahead of them. And
they followed them, until they threw themselves in a marshy
place, where walking was very difficult, and that they caused
them there much damage, and killed some, and pursued them
in said Marsh one day and a half, until they saw that it was
impossible to take them prisoner, and returned then to this
said town, having with them the two said women prisoners.

         Bonifacio then swore to the truth of the above statement in the
presence of the Alcaldes and witnesses.

DECLARATION OF THE SECOND LIEUTENANT TOMAS DE LEZAMA.

         . . . Second Lieutenant Tomas de Lezama, resident of this
town .         . . took the oath and said that on the fifth day of the present
month he left this town in company of the said Captains,
executors of this order, and that he with them reached said
Mission of Arena on the following day, and that he saw the
house of the said Fathers with the marks of blood, where the
Indians of the said mission had dragged their bodies, after
having killed them, and that from there he went to the Church,
which he saw in disorder, and a statue of Our Lady with the
nose broken, without crown or other ornaments, with which
they had seen them on other occasions, and the statue of the
glorious San Francisco with one eye pulled out, and many
other images spread over the floor, and the holy consecrated
altar smashed to pieces and pulled to the door of the Church.
And they found the body of Brother Raimundo buried behind
an enclosure of woodwork, and the other bodies in the pits of
a Church which they were building, and that on this day
they went in search of said aggressors, following their footsteps
until Wednesday the ninth of the present month. Then they
found a cottage of the said aggressors, where they attacked
them and killed some of them in the sea, and some on land,
and they heard from two Indian women, that the other
aggressors were further up on the beach, whom the said
Captains attacked without delay. And he in the company of
the Captain Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco went as far as the
river Narigua, pursuing the Indians who came out of their
cottages, fighting and wounding and pursuing them, until
they threw themselves in a marsh. And the Captain
Don Vicente with other soldiers and Indians pursued the
families into the marsh, until night overtook them, after they
had done as much as they could to pursue the said aggressors.
And when the two Captains met, they divided the men in
two divisions, men with fire-arms and archers, and Don Juan
Eusebio remained with those in the middle of the beach, and
Don Vicente with him and the other half of the men went
back to occupy the road to the mount, to see if some of the
Indians would hide themselves there, and during this same
night some of the Simarrones fought to pass through the royal
road where was Don Juan Eusebio. He fought with them,
and cut them off, and put them to flight, until they threw
themselves in the said marsh. And one of the Indians of the
party from Arauca wounded him, and he took prisoner an
Indian woman. And the following morning the said Captain
re-united and resolved to go through this marsh, where they
were occupied during this day, and killed some men whom
they met, because they could not reach them, and they
gathered the ornaments of the Church, which the aggressors
had left behind them to take to flight with all the provisions
they had, and these ornaments, blessed corporals and purifi-
cators, they had divided among themselves to cover their
bodies, and they had broken the chalices, and the crisimatory
of the holy oils, and the patines, and a part of this was given
to everyone, and all that was gathered together and given to
the Indians of our troops to bring it to this town. And he
says that when the provisions failed the two Captains resolved
to go back, the one exploring the borders of the marsh, and
the other destroying the coconut-plantations, in order to
deprive the aggressors completely of provisions. And although
the following day they received help from this town, they
carried on with their plan, because it was impossible to
penetrate the marsh, and he destroyed said coconut-plantations
in company of Captain Dan Juan Eusebio, and from there
they reached this town and brought with them Matilda and
Agustina, Indian women prisoners who belonged to the
criminals.
         Lezama then signed the above statement in the presence of the
Alcaldes and witnesses.


DECLARATION OF SECOND LIEUTENANT GASPAR GUTIERREZ.

         . . . Second Lieutenant Gaspar Gutierrez de Sandoral . . .
took the oath and said that on the fifth day of the present month
he left this town in company of the Captains Don Vicente
de Leon v Urrestigui and Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco,
executors of the order which was read to him, and he declared
that on the said day they reached the valley of Arima, and
the following day they went to the Mission or Arena, and
when he had reached this mission, he saw that the house of
the Fathers was completely in disorder. And he saw the
marks of the blood of those Fathers, where the Indians had
killed them, and had dragged them to the pits of the Church
which they were constructing and there they had buried the
two priests and the carpenter Tomas de Luna. And Brother
Raimundo they found buried behind an enclosure of wood-
work, and he saw that the temple was without ornaments,
and an image of Our Lady with broken nose, and another of
the glorious San Francisco, with one eye failing, and he saw
that the consecrated altar was pulled to the door of the Church,
and smashed in small pieces. And on that day he left that
mission, following the tracks of the aggressors, until on the
ninth day of the present month, about ten or eleven o'clock
in the morning they reached the sea on the southern part of
this Island, on the beach of which they found some cottages,
and they attacked them at that hour, wounding and killing
as many as ten or twelve Indians who defended themselves.
And he went then from here with the Captain Don Juan
Eusebio to the river Narigua, following the aggressors. And
Don Eusebio followed another group who threw themselves
in a marsh, as all the others did, and they threw away all the
provisions and ornaments of the holy Church which they had
divided amongst themselves, and the altar-clothes and blessed
corporals, which they had torn to pieces and with which they
had covered their bodies. And they pursued them until the
following day, when they resolved to go back, because it was
impossible to take those aggressors prisoner, and because the
provisions failed. And so they did, and the two Captains
separated themselves with their men, one to follow the borders
of the marsh on the side of the land, and the other to destroy
tile coconut-plantations, in order to take away from the
fugitives all the provisions. And after this was done, they
went back to this town, and they made two Indian women
prisoner of whom he does not know their names.

         He then signed the above statement in the presence of the Alcaldes
and witnesses.



DECLARATION OF THE SOLDIER FRANCISCO APOLINAR VONEO.

         . . . Francisco Apolinar Voneo, a soldier, took the oath and
declared, that on the fifth day of the present month he left
this town in company of those Captains and that on the
following day he reached the mission of Arena, and that he
saw in the house of the Fathers two pools of blood, and one
in the Church. And in the Church he saw an image of
Our Lady with a broken nose and a piece of her mantle, and
another image of the glorious San Francisco, with one eye
pulled out, and many other images thrown to the ground,
and the holy altar smashed to small pieces at the door of the
church. And he saw that three were buried in the foundation
of a new churcn which they were building. And on the same
day they went from the said mission through steep mounts
and ridges, following the trail of the offenders, until on
Wednesday the ninth of the present month about mid-day
they were close to the sea, and there the life-guard which
marched ahead gave warning that the Indians were in their
cottages on the beach, and the Captains prepared to attack.
The aggressors moved to a better place, and thc Captains
formed three battle-lines of their men, and prepared an
ambush for the Indians and assailed them. A dozen men
defended themselves and threw themselves fighting in the sea,
from where they shot a great number of arrows, until they
died by bullets, and on that beach three died of whom the
Captains hung two of the principals on the trees of this beach.
They took prisoner an Indian woman who told them that
there were different cottages on that beach. And the Captains
left him with other companions to watch over the provisions
and munitions in the first cottage. And the Captains went
with the rest of their men to the other cottages, taking as
guide the said woman prisoner, and for this reason he did
not see what happened there, until at night the Captain
Don Vicente came back to the first cottage, and he heard
that they had done them much damage. And Don Juan
Eusebio remained with half of his men, waiting in the middle
of the beach, where the same night he had a fight with the
aggressors, until he drove them in a marsh that served them
as a place of refuge, because it was thick and very difficult.
And this same night he made prisoner an Indian woman.
And on the following morning Don Vicente left him as guard
of said cottage and scent to join Don Juan Eusebio, and at
night-fall the two Captains came back with all their men,
and he heard how many and difficult precautions they had
taken, and they killed some Indians, and to found many
ornaments of the church which he saw, reduced to pieces,
some to make guaiucos, and the blessed corporals, and purifi-
caters, and chalices, patines, chrismatory of the Holy Oils
reduced to pieces. And on she following day the two Captains
left, after dividing their men, Don Vicente to examine the
borders of the marsh, and Don Juan Eusebio to demolish the
coconut-plantations, and he went with him. And after doing
this, they returned to this town, bringing with them the
two women prisoners.

         Voneo then signed the above statement in the presence of the
Alacaldes and witnesses.



DECLARATION OF THE SOLDIER FRANCISCO DE FIGUEROA.

         . . . Francisco de Figueroa, a soldier . . . took the oath and
declared that on the fifth day of this month he left this town
in company of two Captains and that on the following day
they reached the mission of the Arenales where he saw the
havoc which the aggressors had done, killing the said Fathers
and burying the two Priests and Tomas do Luna in the pits
which they had made for the construction of a new church,
and he saw an image of Our Lady with a broken nose and
other things, and the glorious San Francisco with one eye
pulled out, and other images thrown to the ground, and the
holy altar smashed to small pieces and pulled to the door of
the church, and that behind the church was a horse which
they had fastened to a post and killed by bullets, and a mule
which belonged to the said Fathers with ears, nose and other
parts of the body cut, by which it could be seen that even in
the animals they sought to cool off the hatred they had for
those who gave them spiritual food, And he saw many other
destructions that he does not remember, and on the same day
he went further in the company of the two Captains, following
continually the tracks of these malefactors, until they reached
the sea on the ninth day of the present month, where they
found two of the aggressors whom they attacked in one of
their cottages which contained as many as a dozen Indians,
and when they were forced to defend themselves, they made
for the sea, because our men had cut them off from the thickly
covered mountain to enable them to use fire-arms without
danger to their own men, until pursued closely, and having
lost three men by bullets and arrows on the border of the sea,
the others, in despair, threw themselves into the sea, and
from there they continued to fight, until they were killed by
bullets. And in that cottage they made prisoners two Indian
women, whose avowal Don Juan Eusebio received, and
knowing therefore that the other aggressors were scattered
over the rest of the beach in the direction of the south, he
called his companion who was going to the mouth of another
river. And while they left there the prisoners and the
ammunition under the necessary guard, they went further
on the said hour, until they reached the cottages, from where
the aggressors shot small arrows, and took to flight, until they
saw that they were closely pursued, and threw themselves
in a very rough marsh, after having separated from them the
non-combatants whom the Captain Don Vicente followed
with the necessary men. And Don Juan Eusebio with the
rest of the men went as far as a very swollen river, called
Narigua, closely pursuing the aggressors to the mouth of this
river, and on the bank of this river they turned North, until
they saw that they were closely pursued, and then they
threw themselves in the marsh. And Don Juan remained
there the rest of the day, so that the Indians had no other
place to come out of this marsh. And at night he marched
over the beach, until he met Don Vicente who waited for
him there where the greatest part of the families had entered
the marsh. And Don Vicente left with half of the men to
watch the mount, so that the Indians could not go back to it.
And Don Juan Eusebio remained on the beach, cutting the
passage of those Indians who had the intention of passing the
said river, and about ten o'clock at night a good number of
those Indians came as far as the royal road with whom they
fought, and he was in the company of Don Juan, and they
followed them so closely that they obliged them to throw
themselves in the marsh. And one of the Indians of his
company, called Andres Martin, wounded him, and one of
the aggressors was killed, and an Indian woman, wounded
by an arrow in one arm was made prisoner. And in the
morning Don Vicente returned to the place where Captain
Don Juan was. And they resolved to destroy the marsh with
all their men. And so they did, and they killed some criminals
who were in the marsh, until night robbed them of the
opportunity of continuing their work, and therefore they went
together back to the road of the mount, and they took with
them the sacred ornaments, chalices, patines, custodia and
corporals which the Indians had already divided among
themselves. And there they met Captain Don Vicente with
his men who now went over the border of the marsh on this
side of the land, while Don Juan Eusebio went to destroy the
coconut-plantations, to take away all provisions from the
aggressors. And when each of the Captains had done this,
they both came back to this town, and took with them the
two Indian women prisoners, called Matilda and Agustina.

         He then swore to the truth of the above statement in the presence
of the Alcaldes and witnesses.


ORDINANCE.

         In this same town, on the day, month and year above
indicated I the Captain Don Antonio de Robles, its alcalde in
ordinary for his Majesty, and in whose charge is its government,
in sight of these ordinances and proceedings, say that there
must be charged and that I do hereby charge the said Luis
and Pedro, mentioned in these ordinances, and the two Indian
women Matilda and Agustina of the mission of Arena, prisoners
in this town, with the guilt that results from this information
and from their avowals, because in it they committed a crime,
and I intend to punish them, as will be found according to
law, and I order to give their case over to their protector and
defender Don Antonio de Bustamante, and that he answer
in the first Court, without more delay, to help so the good
and real administration of justice, and that the ordinances be
handed over to him for what he may say or not. So I have
arranged, ordered and signed with the witnesses present who
were the Second Lieutenant Silvestre Ernandez, Juan
Bartolome Randon and Francisco Apolinar Voneo, residents
of this town, Don Antonio de Robles, Silvestre Ernandez,
Juan Bartolome Randon, Francisco Apolinar Voneo.

         And immediately after I said alcalde made known the
ordinance above to the Captain Don Antonio de Bustamante,
Protector of the Indians of this Island, who said that he had
heard it and received it. Don Antonio de Robles. Before me,
Antonio de Bustamante.


DECLARATION OF THE PROTECTOR.

         I the Captain Antonio de Bustamante, General Protector
of the Indians of this province, appear before Your Honour
and say that the ordinances concerning the rebellion of the
Indians of the Naparima- tribe who were in the holy mission
of Arena were given to me. And having seen what was
declared by Luis and Pedro, Indians of the said mission,
prisoners in the royal houses, I have found that neither was
the promoter of the said rebellion, and that they did not help
the others to commit the sacrileges and atrocities, which are
related in the said ordinances, and therefore and because of
their incapacity I implore Your Honour to use mercy in their
chastisement, paying attention to all the laws which favour
them, and at the same time declare free of crime Matilda and
Agustina, Indian women made prisoners during the march of
the Captains Don Vicente de Leon and Don Juan Eusebio
Pacheco, for it seems that such must be done, first because
they did not know the intention of the seditious Indians,
further because they had not communicated it to them and
these women had not been able to advise those Captains, and
if they had tried to do so, they would have been killed, and
last because it is known that the Indians in executing their
resolution never told the women their intention, and held
them in everything ever submitted to their disposition as
slaves. Paying attention to this and to all the circumstances
which are in their favour as women, and not knowing their
intention, I ask and pray Your Honour that it be done, as I
have asked, because it is justice.  Antonio de Bustamante.


DECREE.

         When all these ordinances were seen by me, I the said
alcalde Don Antonio de Robles ordered to hand them over to
the second-Lieutenant José Gonzalez, resident of this town
who is present and whom I appoint as judicial Promoter in
this case in the name of royal justice, and he said that he had
heard and understood and that he accepted, and he made
an oath in due legal form that he will well and faithfully
examine this ease, and he was ordered to cite those Indian
men and Indian women prisoners for the first Court. So I
have arranged, ordered and signed in this named town of
San Jose de Ozuna, Isle of Trinidad, on the twenty-first day
of December of 1699, with the witnesses present who were: -
The Second-Lieutenant Silvestre Ernandez, Juan Bartolome
Randon and Francisco Apolinar Voneo, residents of this town,
and so I act in the absence of a Notary Public. Antonio
de Robles, Silvestre Ernandez, Juan Bartolome Randon,
Francisco Apolinar Voneo, José Gonzalez.


ORDINANCE.

         In this town of San José de Ozuna, on the twenty-third
day of the month of December, 1699, I the Captain Don
Antonio de Robles, alcalde in ordinary and Governor of this
Island and its Provinces, for his Majesty, through the death
of the Governor Don José de Leon y Echales, whom the
Indians of the mission of Arena killed treacherously with
other Principals of this town, as it is written in the acts
concerning this case, ordered and seen by me, because it is
not evident that burial was given to the bodies of the said
Governor, and the Reverend Father Juan Masien of the
Order of Santo Domingo and other bodies at the time that
reached them to see and recognize them the Camp-Master
Don Pedro Fernandez, head of thirty armed men and of the
Indians of Arouca whom he took with him in conformity
with the order that is indicated at the beginning of these acts,
the order was given to the Captain Juan de Lezama, resident
of this town, to take this necessary and pious care and to go
without delay with Juan Cordero and the necessary Indians
of their settlement, and bring these bodies to this town and
give them burial in the holy parochial Church, and in the
case they are in decay to bury them on the spot where they
are found. And he went to execute this order and returned
at once to this town and indicated, how much the river was
swollen where the murder occurred, because it had rained
much the night before, and that these bodies had been washed
away, except that of the Notary Public and that of the
Accountant which were in an advanced state of decomposition
and eaten by animals. And he gave back a bed-sheet which
belonged to the Governor, which was given him to cover his
body until it reached this town. And in order that it may
be evident that he had taken all the care to fulfil his obligation,
I ordered the said Captain Juan de Lezama to declare under
oath all what was done according to this ordinance, and that
his declaration be added to all he others of the same case, so
that it may be evident. Thus I have arranged, ordered and
signed with the witnesses present who were: -Silvestre
Ernandez and Juan Bartolome Randon, inhabitants of this
town, Antonio de Robles, Silvestre Ernandez, Juan
Bartolome Randon.


DECLARATIONS OF CAPTAIN JUAN DE LEZAMA, AND
JUAN CORDERO.


         Captain Juan tie Lezama and Juan Cordero, having taken the oath,
each testified to the accuracy of the above Ordinance.

JUDICIAL PETITION.

         I, José Gonzalez, inhabitant of this town, judicial promoter,
appointed by Your Honour in he case that according to royal
justice has been made against Pedro and Luis, natives of this
Island, and belonging to Arena, prisoners under the guard
of this town, appeal before Your Honour, in the best possible
way that the law permits me, say that on the twenty-third of
this present month Your Honour  was served, because all those
ordinances were handed over to me, in order that I as judicial
promoter make the accusations against the said Indian
prisoners. And after having studied them with due care, I
find therein that the named Indians have been accomplices
with the aggressors of such great treachery that they have
committed, and of such an atrocious crime, and consequently
Your Honour must, according to justice, and to prevent in the
future such crimes, and for an example and the amendment
of the others, punish the said Indians according to law, and
if you do not, there may result in the future greater damage,
and because it is necessary to follow this case according to all
the terms of the law, I ask and implore Your Honour to give
order, to put everything in full light by commanding the
guilty who appear in it to ratify their declaration, and put
them in the state of accusation, in order that I may quote
that which I find in the law. And for all this I ask and
implore Your Honour to pay attention to this and to do
according to what I have asked, as being justice. I ask
justice, and make the oath in due form. Jose Gonzalez.


ORDINANCE.

         Copy of this petition to the protector and defender of the
Indians with the order that he give his answer for the first
audience, and according to what he will say or not, this case
must be proved within the limit of three ordinary days with
all charge of publication, and citation and conclusion for the
judgment. So I have arranged, ordered and signed, I the
Captain Don Antonio de Robles, alcalde in ordinary for
His Majesty, in this town of San José de Oruna, Island of
Trinidad, and under the charge of whom is its government,
on the twenty-third day of the month of December of 1699,
with the witnesses present who were :--The Captain Don Juan
Eusebio Pacheco and Juan Bartolome Randon, inhabitants of
this town, Don Antonio de Robles, Antonio de Bustamante,
Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco, Juan Bartolome Randon.


COPY.

         Immediately after, I, the said alcalde, made known the
ordinance above to the Captain Don Antonio de Bustamante
in his person as protector and defender of the Indians, and
give him the copy of this ordinance, and he signed it with me
and the witnesses present Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco, Juan
Bartolome Randon.


PETITION OF THE PROTECTOR OF THE INDIANS.

         I the Captain Antonio de Bustamante, Protector of the
Indians of these provinces appear before Your Honour in the
name of Pedro, Luis, Matilda and Agustina, guilty of the
criminal accusation which by the office of the royal justice has
been pronounced at the tribunal of Your Honour concerning
the sedition of the Indians of the mission of Arena, say that
Your Honour was served in the execution of the order to give
me a copy of that which was asked by the judicial promoter
appointed by Your Honour, and concerning this and all the
rest of this matter, I repeat that which I have said in my first
petition, and renounce any proof, because there is none to the
contrary of what has been declared and proved in the judicial
proceedings, and having attention to that I ask and implore
Your Honour that he pronounce the sentence according to
justice, considering with attention the incapacity and the
ignorance of the said guilty Indians, and above all that which
his Majesty orders in his royal laws. I ask that you use mercy
as far as justice allows. Antonio de Bustamante.


JUDICIAL PETITION.

         I, José Gonzalez, judicial promoter of the criminal case
that by the office of the royal justice has been brought forward
against Pedro, Luis, Matilda and Agustina, criminals in this
case, Indians of the mission of San Francisco de Ia Arena,
appear before Your Honour and say in the best form that
the law permits me that Your Honour was served in that
they gave to me a copy of a petition presented by the Captain
Don Antonio do Bustamante, Protector of the Indians of this
Province, to which I answer and say that I reproduce that
which I have said in my first petition, and I ask and implore
Your Honour to be served by the order that the said criminals
who appear in it ratify their declaration so that I may propose
what I find in the law. I ask and implore Your Honour to
consider this petition and in sight of this to do what is asked
according to justice. I ask this and made the oath in due
form. Jose Gonzalez.


DECREE.

         That the two Indian men and the two Indian women
ratify their declaration, as you ask. So I decree, the Captain
Don Antonio do Robles, alcalde in ordinary, and in the charge
of whom is the government of this town of San José de Oruna,
Isle of Trinidad, in the name of his Majesty, on the twenty-
-fourth day of the month of December, 1699, with the
witnesses present in the absence of a Notary Public --
The Second Lieutenant Silvestre Ernandez and Lorenzo
Antonio Dominguez, inhabitants of this town, Don Antonio
de Robles, Silvestre Ernandez, Lorenzo Antonio de
Montenegro.


RATIFICATION OF THE INDIAN PEDRO.

         In this said town, on the said day, month and year, we,
the Sergeant-Major Don Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y
Esponda, and the Captain Don Antonio de Robles, under the
charge of whom is its government, because of the death of the
Camp-Master Don José de Leon, Governor and General
Captain, in sight of these ordinances, we order that the two
Indian prisoners Pedro and Luis and the Indian women
Agustina and Matilda ratify their avowals. And we ordered
to appear in our presence and that of the protector and that
of the witnesses, because of the absence of a Notary Public,
said Pedro, through Martin de Mendoza who held the office
of interpreter, because he is skilled in languages and under-
stands the value of an oath, and said Pedro does not speak
another language than his own native tongue. And the oath
was received from said interpreter that he made to God and
a sign of the cross, to make a good and faithful use of the said
office, telling to and asking from the said Pedro that which he
will be ordered by us, and the order was given him to read
the declaration that Pedro had made, in these proceedings on
page twenty-six, in order to tell the said Pedro, as he did, to
say in conformity to this, if it seems to him to add or omit
something of it what passed in the murders of the Reverend
Fathers and the Governor and others who accompanied him
to the mission of Arena. And he said that he had heard and
understood his declaration and he maintains and ratifies it in
this plenary tribunal, and for greater abundance, to have
remembered it after, and after the first confusion, he adds
that at the murders of the Reverend Fathers was present
Cartuja, and that he knows that it is a great crime to kill the
Fathers or any other person, and that he and his companion
Luis were sent by the other Indian aggressors to advise the
Indians of the mission of Santa Ana de la Savaneta, so that
they might be warned and on their head for the damage that
they might receive from the Spaniards for the misdeed that
they had committed. And asked, if the Indians of this mission
of Savaneta had known the atrocity, before it was executed
he said, no. And he knows nothing else than what he has
said, and he says that this is the truth under the obligation of
the oath, which he maintains and ratifies and that he is of
the age which he has given. He did not sign because he
could not. We, the alcaldes, sign with the protector Don
Antonio de Bustamante and the accustomed witnesses who
are :-The Second Lieutenant Silvestre Ernandez, the
Adjutant Juan Francisco Jara and Juan Bartolome Randon,
inhabitants of this town, Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y
Esponda, Antonio de Robles, Antonio de Bustamante,
Silvestre Ernandez, Juan Francisco Jara y Valverde, Juan
Bartolome Randon.


RATIFICATION OF THE INDIAN LUIS.

         The Indian Luis similarly ratified his statement, adding : that
he knows that it is bad to kill the Fathers or any other person,
and that he and his companion were ordered by Cartuja and
the other aggressors to warn the Indians of the mission of
Savaneta, so that the white people would not deceive them
and would not hang the old people and that he does not
know anything else concerning all this. And asked, if the
Indians of Savaneta had had a knowledge of these happenings
before, he said that he does not know. And this is the truth
under the weight of the oath which he made, and maintains
and ratifies.


DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN WOMAN MATILDA.
        
         The Indian woman, Matilda, similarly ratified her statement,
adding : that she heard that the fugitive Indians said that
they waited for Pedro and Luis, criminals of whom mention
is made here, whom they had sent to the mission of Savaneta
to give notice of the sedition, and of the murders which they
had committed, and that she knows nothing else, concerning
that what was asked her, and that she maintains and ratifies
what she has declared.



DECLARATION OF THE INDIAN WOMAN AGUSTINA.

         The Indian woman, Agustina, similarly ratified her statement,
adding : that she knows that Peter and Luis, criminals of
whom mention is made in these ordinances, went to
Savaneta sent by the aggressors, to advise the Indians of the
said mission of what they had done, so that they might do
the same. Questioned by the said interpreter, if those Indians
of Savaneta knew before hand that which the aggressors
intended to execute, she answered that she did not know
and that this is the truth.



ORDINANCE.

         In this said town, on the said day, month and year, we
the said alcaldes Governors, in possession of the ratification
contained in these ordinances, and made by the offenders
Pedro, Luis, Matilda and Agustina, in order to terminate
everything and go over to the citation for the judgment, we
order to give a copy to the protecting and judicial parties, and
band over these ordinances to said judicial party, in order to
make the accusations that he shall find in the law, with the
arrangement that he shall answer in the first audience, and
pass to the other procedures that are to the purpose. So we
arrange, order and sign with the witnesses present who
were :- The Captain Juan de Lezama and the Second
Lieutenant Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro, Silvestre
Ernandez, inhabitants of this town, Juan Martinez de
Vengocehea y Esponda, Antonio de Robles, Juan de Lezama,
Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro, Silvestre Ernandez.


NOTIFICATION.

         And immediately after we the said alcaldes Governors
made known the ordinance written above to the Captain
José Gonzalez, judicial promoter who said that he sad heard
and understood it, and signed with us and with the usual
witnesses who were present and were the Captain Juan
de Lezama, Don Juan Eusebio Pacheco, inhabitants of this
town, Juan Martinez de Vengoeehea y Esponda, Antonio
de Robles. José Gonzalez.


JUDICIAL PETITION.

         I, Jose Gonzalez, inhabitant of this town, judicial promoter
in the criminal case, that by the office of the royal justice was
opened against Luis and Pedro, Indians of the mission of'
Arena, and against Matilda and Agustina, appear before
Your Honours and say : That Your Honour was served
according to your order, in that all those ordinances were
handed over to me in full, to formulate the accusations which
I might find in the law, and having seen and studied them,
I find that Your Honour, according to justice, must condemn
them to the accustomed punishment of death the said Luis
and Pedro, because it is lawfully plain in those acts that these
have been aggressors in union with the others, and have
treacherously thought to kill the Fathers, the Governor and
other companions, as it is plainly evident in the process,
without the presence of a proof to the contrary, that excuses
them from the accustomed punishment that they have drawn
upon themselves by the royal laws. And therefore Your
Honour must chastise them with all the severity of the law,
so that every one may understand in the future the crime they
have committed. And if Your Honour does no give an
exemplary chastisement to those two, it may happen , that in
the. future irreparable damage may be caused, as they
experience in the present ; and in order to avoid such damages
and atrocities, Your Honour must act according to justice.
I ask it. Jose Gonzalez.


PETITION OF THE PROTECTOR OF THE INDIANS.

         I, the Captain Antonio de Bustamante, Protector of the
Indians in this province, appear before Your Honour in the
criminal case that by the office of the royal justice has been
followed against the Indians, of whom is made mention in it,
say, that after having seen the ordinances and accusation by
the judicial promoter of Pedro and Luis, prisoners under
guard, I find that, in sight of the declarations that the said
Indians have made, and the guilt that according to these
declarations can be proven against them, the punishment
must be exercised with the greatest mercy, because by these
declarations it is evident that those two are the least implicated
in the committed crime and the least suspected among the
aggressors, for as such the others ordered them as their
servants, only occupied in bringing and receiving messages,
as it is plain by their avowals, and likewise attention must
be paid by Your Honour to their great incapacity, in order
to free them from the accustomed punishment to death, and
likewise attention must be paid to the royal laws which protect
them, and likewise I entreat Your Honour to declare in the
name of justice free of the crime Matilda and Agustina,
Indian women made prisoners on the beach of the coconut-
plantations, because no guilt can be brought against them,
and to pronounce the judgment accordingly, and therefore I
ask and implore Your Honour that he make use of the greatest
compassion. Antonio de Bustamante.


DECREE.

         That all the ordinances be brought forward to administer
justice. This was decreed by us the said alcaldes, Governors
in this town of San José de Oruna, Isle of Trinidad, on the
twenty-fifth day of the month of December, 1699, with the
witnesses present who were the Captain Juan de Lezama, the
Second Lieutenant Silvestre Ernandez and Juan Bartolome
Randon, inhabitants of this town, Juan Martinez de
Vengoechea y Esponda, Antonio de Robles, Juan de Lezama,
Silvestre Ernandez, Juan Bartolome Randon,


ORDINANCE.

         In this said town, on the day, month and year above
indicated, I the said alcalde Don Antonio de Robles, having
seen those ordinances, and that they are ready for the
judgment, order that for it the parties be cited of said
Protector and defender of the Indians and the judicial
promoter José Gonzalez. So I arrange, order and sign, with
the witnesses present, in the absence of a Notary Public, the
Second Lieutenant Silvestre Ernandez and Joan Bartolome
Randon, Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda, Antonio
de Robles, Silvescre Ernandez, Juan Bartolome Randon.


CITATION.

         And immediately after I the said alcalde communicated
the ordinance above to the said Protector Don Antonio
de Bustamante personally, and cited him for the judgment,
as it is ordered there, and he said that he had heard it, and
signed, being witnesses the Second Lieutenant Silvestre
Ernandez and Juan Bartolome Randon, Antonio de Robles,
Antonio de Bustamante, Silvestre Ernandez, Juan Bartolome
Randon.


CITATION.

         And immediately after, I the said alcalde Don Antonio
de Robles read and made known the ordinance above to
José Gonzalez personally, and cited him for the judgment, as
is ordered therein, and said that he had heard it and signed it,
being witnesses the said Antonio de Robles, Jose Gonzalez,
Silvestre Ernandez, Juan Bartolome Randon.


JUDGMENT.

         Having seen this case directed through the office of the
royal justice against Pedro and Luis, Matilda and Agustina,
prisoners in the public jail of this town, concerning the causes
contained therein to which we refer, and because of the service
due to both Majesties, and the general welfare and preservation
of this community:

         We judge that we must condemn and hereby condemn the
said Pedro and Luis to death; for this reason they will be
removed from the public jail, with ropes around their necks,
and with the voice of the public crier who manifests their
crime along the accustomed streets, and conducted to the
Plaza Mayor, where shall be erected the gallows where they
shall be hung, until they necessarily die, and it is ordered
that no one of whatsoever state, quality or condition he may
be, shall take them from the gallows without our permission,
under penalty of the law. And the said Matilda and Agustina
we condemn to six years of personal service for the Captains
who made them prisoners. And this our definitely fixed
judgment we pronounce, order and sign, and we condemn                 
the said criminals to the cost the amount of which we reserve
for us. Martin de Vengoechea y Esponda, Don Antonio
de Robles,                 

PUBLICATION.

         This sentence was given and published by us the Sergeant-
Major Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda and the
Captain Don Antonio de Robles, alcaldes-Governors, because
of the death of the Governor, in this town of San Jose de Oruna,
Isle of Trinidad, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of
December, 1699, and we sign it with the witnesses who were
the Captains Juan de Lezama, Juan Eusebio Pacheco and the
Second Lieutenant Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro, present
and inhabitants of this town, Juan Martinez de Vengoechea
y Esponda, Antonio de Robles, Juan de Lezama, Juan
Eusebio Pacheco, Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro.


NOTIFICATIONS.

         And immediately after we the said alcaldes-Governors
Sergeant-Major Don Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y
Esponda and the Captain Don Antonio de Robles notify the
judgment to Pedro and Luis, and Matilda and Agustina,
through the interpreter Martin de Mendoza, and to the
Captain Don Antonio de Bustamante, protector and defender
of the said Indians, present, and they said that they approved,
and he signed in the presence of Captain Juan de Lezama and
the Second Lieutenant Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro,
inhabitants of this town, Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y
Esponda, Antonio de Robles, Antonio de Bustamante, Juan
de Lezama, Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro.


         And immediately after, we the said alcaldes notify and
made known the above mentioned judgment to the Second-
Lieutenant Jose Gonzalez, judicial promoter of the royal
justice, personally, and after having heard and understood it,
he said that he approved it and signed it with the witnesses
above indicated. Juan Martinez de Vengoechea y Esponda,
Antonio de Robles, Jose Gonzalez, Juan de Lezama, Lorenzo
Antonio de Montenegro.


         This copy agrees with the original, from when it has been
taken, and remains in our possession, written on seventy-two
leaflets of ordinary paper, because this Government has no
sealed paper, and in testimony of this we the said Alcaldes-
Governors for our King, because of the death of the Camp-
Master Don Jose de Leon y Echales, Governor and Captain
General of these Provinces, sign with the witnesses who were
the Captain Juan de Lezama and the Second Lieutenant
Silvestre Ernandez and Lorenzo Antonio de Montenegro, in
this town of San José de Ozuna, Island of Trinidad on the
thirtieth day of the month of December of 1699.


JUAN MARTINEZ DE VENGOECHEA Y ESPONDA.

DON ANTONIO DE ROBLES.

JUAN DE LEZAMA.

LORENZO ANTONIO DE MONTENEGRO.

SILVESTRE ERNANDEZ.

The Arabs of Trinidad & Tobago

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“We were going to Cuba, and Mr. Laquis’ father said: ‘No, you are going to Trinidad. English law.’ So, he write a letter to Mr. Ayoub Sabga, saying, ‘Mr. Sabga, this family coming, we know them, I want you to look after them! I was having my first boy on the travel, on the ship, when we were in the Madeira water. I was 16. We come to Marseilles but I couldn’t have time to have the baby over there, so he was born on the ship. In Trinidad, ship stay far away in deep water, so you had a boat to bring us on the land. So they came to meet us, Mr. Abdou Sabga, and Ayoub Sabga. Only seven days I have the baby! They wanted me to go down a big ladder, and when Ayoub Sabga come, he said: ‘What is that?’ My husband said: ‘My wife had a baby.’ So Ayoub Sabga said: ‘Well, this will be my godchild.’”
Rahmé Hajal’s memories, so similar to the memories of virtually all the Arabs who came to these islands at the beginning of the twentieth century, contains a story of choice. To leave the ancestral village in Syria or to stay. To go to America, and the entire continent was America, was to take a monumental leap into the unknown. It also contains the essence of the community’s success in Trinidad and Tobago, the help and support that were so readily given to the immigrants by those who had come before. Yet, these survivors of another crossing, notwithstanding the drawbacks of language and poverty, loneliness and alienation, and against the backdrop of the worldwide recession that was crippling growth and progress at the end of the Great War, were able to survive, put down roots and prosper in a strange land.
They came mostly from the mountain villages and hamlets of south-western Syria, from Anaz, Ish Shooha, Bsas, Shmeisi and the valley of the Christians. They were all Christian: Greek Orthodox from Syria, and Lebanese Christians belonging  mostly to the Maronite Catholic Church.
Rose Abraham remembers that she was born in Lebanon, “. . . near to where the big ruins are.  I went to a school called St. Joseph de l’Apparition. My parents ran a silk factory.” They were forced to leave because of the introduction of artificial silk.  Anthony Sabga recalls, “I came to Port of Spain at a critical time in the life of any child. I was seven years old . . . Because of the language barrier, I faltered in school and never caught up.” Yet today Anthony Sabga, now at the great age of ninety-two, is one of the Caribbean’s foremost industrialists.
One of the earliest immigrants to Trinidad was Elias Ibrahim Galy. His family lived in the town of Macheta Azar, Tel Kalah, in Syria.  Galy was born in 1889. At the age of 21, he left his elder brother, his three sisters and his parents and came to Trinidad. He came from an environment where trade and commerce had flourished for hundreds, if not thousands, of years.  Trading ran in his veins. Elias Galy and his friend Elias Abraham Aboud were bound for the French islands, this because they had a little French. They, however, overslept, Albert Hadeed believes that they had been seasick, and were not discovered until the ship had arrived in Port of Spain. Coming ashore, they wandered into the city and discovered that many of its merchants spoke French and that the coffee was delicious. They missed the boat’s departure, stayed on and became peddlers. The French merchant who had first befriended them gave them matches to sell, cards of pins, coloured thread and buttons. They travelled across the country to small towns with strange names like Tunapuna, Arouca, Chaguanas, Arima. When their goods were not sold out on the market days, they slept in railway stations or beneath awnings and the following day went from house to house. These were men without wives. But, not for long.
For some it began with wedding bells, congratulations and sweets and delicacies, “I was a Maronite. My husband was Orthodox, and I married in the Orthodox church. We became Catholic here. . .” Rose Abraham relates. In the sepia-toned photographs you can still see them as they were: beautiful Syrian and Lebanese women, almost child brides, young teenagers, barely acquainted with life and with their husbands. Many families had to endure years of separation before they became reunited. For all it was work. As the men took to the countryside, riding the trains to the distant villages the women sewed. They made children’s clothes and men’s shirts to be sold by their husbands. They lived a communal life, sharing what they had and nursing each other’s children.
At first, they lived in the oldest parts of the city. It was an attractive Caribbean town. Still a British colony, Trinidad, because of its history, possessed a cosmopolitan population. In the noisy, bustling market one could hear French, English, Spanish, even German and of course, the local French Patois. All around were Indians, whose ancestors or they themselves had come as indentured workers, Chinese, some still wearing pigtails, Portuguese hucksters and the local Africans dressed in gorgeous prints.
Chickens, vultures, dogs and goats competed in the noise of the raucous West Indian capital, which was not unlike the bazaars and marketplaces of the Middle East. Trams, hackneys, carriages and cabs filled the streets crowded with pedestrians, bicycle riders and the first motorcars. It was a prosperous island actually—its economy, based on the export of sugar and cocoa, coffee and citrus, would soon be augmented by the discovery of oil in considerable quantity.
For the Arabs, not yet a community, it was Yussef and Rahme Sabga who helped a great many of the newly arrived to start in Port of Spain. Often, Yussef would put up the bond required by the immigration authorities for a newcomer, and the Sabga house on Charlotte Street was a welcome first haven for a great many Arabs whose descendants became Trinidadians and Tobagonians. Rahme Sabga is believed to be the first Arab woman peddler in Trinidad. Today she is commemorated on a one dollar postage stamp of the independent Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. 
In the 1950s, the women of Trinidad and Tobago’s Arab community organised themselves into a charitable organisation, calling it the ‘Mediterranean Star’ (later to be renamed ‘Syrian Lebanese Women’s Association of Trinidad and Tobago’). Within the framework of this association, which celebrates its 64th anniversary in 2015, the women of the Arab community have rendered help and support to the underprivileged, the disabled and the destitute. They have organised highly successful fund-raisers for local charities as well as acted as a preservation agent for Middle Eastern cultural expressions such as Arabic food, music, dancing and the retention of family traditions.
Today, the Arab community’s contribution to the building of modern Trinidad and Tobago may be seen in the businesses created by them. These comprise the dry-goods stores started by their parents and grandparents and include the industries owned and operated by them. Amongst these are breweries, brick factories, newspapers, radio and television stations and some of the finest restaurants in this part of the world. They have actively taken part in the politics of their adopted home and have contributed, at times startlingly, to its eclectic culture.
The Syrian and Lebanese community was the last ethnic group to have come to Trinidad in the 20th century. The people from the Middle East had the challenge to integrate into Trinidad’s society when the island’s status as British Crown Colony was slowly coming to an end. From this community came outstanding businessmen and women, legal and medical professionals, artists and many, many other professionals—one might say they, the Arab community, have successfully taken part in the forming of our nation!

Sources:
Gerard Besson, “The Syrians and The Lebanese of Trinidad,” The Book of Trinidad. (Port-of-Spain: Paria Publishing Company, 1992)

Alice Besson and Gerard Besson, The Voyage of the Mediterranean Star: The Syrian Lebanese Women’s Association of Trinidad & Tobago. (St. Clair: SLWA, 2001)


Interviews with Anthony Sabga, and conversations with Albert Hadeed and Joe Sabga.

A Very Short History of the Press in Trinidad & Tobago

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Samuel Carter, editor of the "New Era", a newspaper that was published in Trinidad in the 1870s, remarked in an editorial "A Crown Colony is a despotism tempered by the Press . . . In Trinidad, more than in any of the other Colonies, has the existence of the independent Press been an absolute necessity; in none has it done more good". This insightful remark may be regarded as an excellent example of the saying that the more things change the more they remain the same.
The history of the media in Trinidad and Tobago is almost as old as the modern history of these islands—modern history in the sense that in Spanish times, 1498 to 1797, there was not much development socially or economically. It was with the advent of the Cedula of Population of 1783 that a society, so to speak, started to formulate itself in Trinidad, so that seventeen years later, when a squadron of British Man-of-War landed troops at Invaders Bay, right next to MovieTowne, and the Union Jack went up a few days later at Fort San Andres by the Light House in Port of Spain, one could say that the modern era of Trinidad's history had commenced. Tobago has a different story, a much older one that winds its way back to the days of the Pirates and the Buccaneers of the late 16th century, passing from hand to hand among the European powers of the day to finally become a part of the British Empire in 1813.
One could hazard the guess that the "Tobago Times" was, if not the first, certainly among the earliest newspapers published there. Some of the first advertisements to appear in 1807 tell the tale of those times "By the undersigned, a Saddle Horse, who has been a short time in the country; he is well broke and trackable; he has no vice or fault that the subscriber knows of, the reason for parting with the horse is, his intention of very shortly quitting the colony. Signed Neil Stewart, N.B. Rum will be taken in payment." (March 1807.) And: "For sale by the subscriber, a healthy negro wench from Barbuda; she is a good washer, and was sent here by her owner for sale, only on account of his great want of money." He goes on to advertise: "A few pipes of London 'particular' Madeira Wine, New Foundland codfish in 3, 6, and 8 quintal casks. A few barrels of beef and the same of Lamp Oil . . ." And in the news of the day: "A French privateer appeared off the North side of the island on Wednesday and captured the drogher sloop JOHN belonging to Mr. Robert Hay. She soon fell in with His Majesty's Brig "Attentive", whom she endeavoured to bring to. We are informed the "Attentive" suffered her to approach within pistol shot, when she gave her the contents of her broadside, upon which the Frenchman, finding his mistake, sheered off. From her great superiority in sailing the privateer made her escape. We are happy, however, to learn the sloop was retaken."
And in a letter to the editor of September of that year we read: "We had here a deluge of rain yesterday. Courland River overflowed its usual boundaries more than ever known perhaps, since Noah's flood. A negro boy was carried away to sea, and has not since been heard of. Great damage has been done to provision gardens on the banks of the river."
In Trinidad, there were over twenty-five newspapers published during the 19th and into the first decades of the 20th century. These tended to reflect the nature of the segmented society of the day. There were papers that carried the views of the so-called English party, who, when not offended by the noisy and boisterous character of the natives, were principally concerned with the opinions of the local British Establishment—meaning the vested interest of the merchants, planters and bankers, whose interest were in turn closely linked to those of the occupants of Government House, and ultimately to the Gentlemen of the City of London, which was, in those times, the financial capital of the whole world. 
Then there was the concerns of the French Creoles, who were in a perpetual state of feeling put upon by the British Establishment and who, when not discussing the price of cocoa or the upgrading of their pedigrees by marrying their cousins, were expressing the conviction that they represented the bona fide Trinidadian point of view, having been here from before the British, and as good Catholics were convinced that God was on their side. Using the Press, they maintained the struggle for equal opportunity, promotions, and pay increases for everyone of their complexion.
Not to be outdone, the rising coloured educated, professional middle class felt constantly aggrieved, slighted, and socially embarrassed by being marginalised despite advances made in elocution, piano playing, deportment, cake icing, paper flower making, Sunday school going and all the other things necessary to arrive at being considered socially respectable in the eyes of the British, who in truth did not pay any attention to them, or any one else, at all. The Portuguese were few in number and not considered socially white and as such had neither voice nor vote. There were no Indian newspapers, as there was no market for them as very few Indians could read English. No one even thought of the poor Chinese, and the Syrians had not yet arrived in Goodwood Park.
That being the case, the Media Wars of the 19th and early 20th century were fought out mostly by the above. To give some samples of what occupied the minds of some of our ancestors, there are recorded in Dr. Bridget Brereton's excellent "Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad" some of the more fascinating discourses like: "In social life," wrote one reporter, "the non-white middle class had much to complain of. A correspondent to the Telegraph [that's a newspaper of the day that supported black and coloured interest] wrote that no amount of wealth or education enabled a man in Trinidad to enjoy social prestige, if he lacked 'the correct tinge' . Planters of wealth, merit, and character were 'tabooed', being without the 'colonial passport'. . . more potent than education, habits, principles, behaviour, wealth, talent, or even genius itself". 
Then there was William Herbert, a very well known and highly respected black Barbadian. He was the owner of several newspapers: "The Trinidad Press', the"Trinidad Colonists" and the "Telegraph" mentioned above. He was very active in local politics and a Mayor of Port-of-Spain (he had a street in St Clair named for him), and was considered to be 'the chief educator of public opinion' locally. He used his papers to defend the African race, to the extent that the black and coloured middle class perceived him as a champion of their cause.
Samuel Carter was a well known Free Mason; he also owned more than one paper. He may have started with the "New Era" which he left in 1874, but soon bought the "San Fernando Gazette". Originally a Tobagonian, he had come to Trinidad in 1856 and had served on the San Fernando Borough Council for some time. Both these men, Herbert and Carter, apart from being newspaper editors and seeking the interest of the black and coloured people of the colony, also involved themselves in the public affairs of the time. 
Thin-skinned and constantly on the lookout for stormers, Protestants, parvenus, and pass-for-whites who wanted to get into their act, the French Creoles were extremely sensitive on all points of honor. As born-again aristocrats (first in France and then on a much higher plane in Trinidad), they were often offended by newspaper editorials written by editors who dared to cross swords with them by insulting their sentiments or cuticle. These were publicly attacked and assaulted as in the case of W.R. Gawthorne of the "Star of the West" some four times, and once or twice in the case of T.R.N. Laughlin (an Irishman and a relative of some of the French Creoles) of the "Port-of-Spain Gazette".The English were often on their case, suggesting that they were not "loyal to the Crown". With perhaps a little too much cocoa in the sun, "The Public Opinion", the paper owned and supported by the French Creole community that was edited by French Creole journalist Joseph de la Sauvagère, responded with indignation, and, perhaps protesting a trifle too much, hastened to dismiss the notion. Just imagine, that anyone could think that THEY were foreign and could be less loyal than those of British descent! Well, depui mama fai me, mea nom paca bam mea bois, which means: you have to sleep with fowls to if they snore. 
They all chorused, "Trinidad is to a large extant French in feeling, in manners, nay even in language. . . A large portion of our fellow-colonists are of French descent and while making good and honourable British citizens, they are still 'Enfants de la Patrie'." 
Some French Creoles were on the leading edge of the radical Press of the day, for example Philip Rostant, who stands out as the most radical political leader in the later years of the 19th century. It is Dr. Brereton's view in her aforementioned book that "he expressed and exaggerated the hostility of the French Creole old families against the English, and he developed a kind of anti-colonilaism which aligned all respectable colonists, white, coloured and black, against British officialdom and expatriate firms." Which, I suppose, makes him enormously attractive to people looking for anti-British sentiment in the colonial past. 
To most of his relatives he was a pest, and a constant source of embarrassment. He was attached to, and at times owned, some of the leading anti-English establishment newspapers and journals such as "Public Opinion", "Reform" and the "San Fernando Gazette". Lucien Ambard owned the "Port-of-Spain Gazette", which was edited by his mulatto son A.P.T. Ambard. This paper became synonymous with all forms of paper, "Gazette Paper" was used for everything—wrapping fish, papering walls, and in the lavatory. "The Trinidad Guardian" and the "Evening News" came into existence in 1917. A relative newcomer, it was owned by the most wealthy and influential men of the day, Sir George F. Huggins, Sir Lennox O'Reilly, Mr. D. McBride and Mr E. Fitt. Its first editor was Mr. Courtney E. Hitchins. This highly reputed broad sheet became known as the "Old Lady of St. Vincent Street"; no one one knows why. By far the most scandalous paper of the early 20th century was Tony de Boissière's "Callaloo". In this very yellow press, all the intimate dirty laundry of the upper-crust was washed under public scrutiny, giving rise to the lyrics of some of the era's more scandalous calypsos.
The English colonials were avid writers of letters to the editor. Their complaints at time would focus on the character of the locals, describing them as lazy, mostly drunk, superstitious, dishonest and sly. At Carnival time, there would be a dozen letters to the editor complaining of the noise made by the fêtes, suggesting that Carnival was barbaric and disruptive to social order, and should be prohibited.
However, the British Empire was by far the most liberal empire of its day. It possessed an admirable sense of confidence, and that allowed for its citizens to say and do what they pleased, within the framework of the law, of course. That being the case, freedom of the press, and freedom of expression, in calypso for example, became enshrined in custom and law as this nation became independent in 1962. These freedoms are not to be taken for granted. Being free to express our varied points of view in the Press for some two hundred years does not mean that they cannot be taken away. It is a responsibility that we must all shoulder and if it becomes necessary, defend, but freedoms all come with responsibilities and these too must never be taken for granted. 


THE CREOLE IMPULSE: MEDIA STIGMATISATION IN 19TH CENTURY TRINIDAD

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A commentary on Bridget Brereton’s article “The Indians” in her book “Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad 1870–1900”

Introduction:
As the second half of the 19th century drew to a close, certain newspapers in Trinidad executed a protracted editorial policy that would serve to lay the foundations for the negative stereotyping of East Indians in Trinidad and Tobago. As a result, Afro-Creole and European-descended Trinidadians as well as immigrants from other West Indian islands came to accept that stereotyping and perceived Indian indentureship and the presence of Indians in the colony as having a deleterious effect on the society as a whole.
Through the use of newspapers like the New Era, Public Opinion, the San Fernando Gazette and the Port of Spain Gazette, amongst others, a relatively small coterie of educated men—French Creoles, Afro-Creoles as well as a sprinkling of Europeans who had formed what was described in the first instance as the Creole Party, later to be know as the Reform Movement—sought to achieve their political ends by gaining public support in denigrating those who were perceived by them as different, alien or outside of their group. In harnessing public opinion in such a manner they, perhaps unwittingly, put into opprobrium an entire people living in their midst, painting all Indian immigrants and their descendants with the same broad brush. In so doing, they set a mechanism of mediatised prejudice into motion that has been reinforced by the Independence political process and arguably continues up to today.
Bridget Brereton in her book Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad 1870–1900 examined this media stigmatisation in the late 19th century. [1]Other social scientists—CLR James, Ricky Singh, Selwyn Ryan, Raymond Ramcharitar et al—have since written and commented on this. This article looks at Brereton’s groundbreaking research in her Race Relations and examines the reasons for the Creoles’ impulse to segregate themselves as an ‘ingroup’ and the Indian segment as an ‘outgroup’, thus laying the roots of Indophobia in Trinidad and Tobago.
***
“One of the more troubling aspects of human nature is that we evaluate people differently depending on whether they’re a member of our ‘ingroup’ or ‘outgroup.’ Pretty much every conflict in human history has involved people making distinctions on the basis of who is a member of their own race, religion, social class, and so on. The question we were interested in is: Where do these types of group distinctions come from?”
This, at first glance innocuous, but quite pertinent question was posed by Laurie Santos, Professor of Psychology and Cognitive Science at Yale University, in an article published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology in June of 2013. [2]
In a segmented society such as Trinidad and Tobago’s, the roots or origins of the prejudices that shape our collective consciousness appear opaque or even lost in the fog of our historic experience. While a lot has been done to untangle the web of our entrenched and in many instances dearly held views of each other, we are still a segmented society.
One of the more eye-opening, or should I say mind-expanding experiences that I had when I started exploring Trinidad history in 1983 was Bridget Brereton’s Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad 1870–1900. Part of this enduringly significant (and eminently readable) work carefully examines the several segments that make up our diverse society. It discusses the point of arrival and the social and political conditions of the European, African and Indian segments. It deals with their offshoots, the products of miscegenation and its various outcomes, and the attitudes and reactions of those who saw themselves at various points in history as the ‘ingroup’ when faced with the arrival of others who were considered by them as an ‘outgroup’.

Nelson Island
One such ‘outgroup’ was the indentured East Indians, whose initial point of arrival was Nelson Island. Neilson’s Island, called Nelson Island, was a quarantine depot through which tens of thousands of Indians, possibly all indentured Indians, passed on their way to the various estates where they would spend the next five years, if they were men, or three years, if they were women, as indentured labourers, and in some cases, the rest of their lives. Like Ellis Island in the United States, it was their first point of disembarkation and their first encounter with natives of their host country.
I had the good fortune in the 1980s to meet Gregor Duruty, who lived to a great age. In his youth, Duruty had worked in the Colonial Secretary’s office and was around for the arrival of the last of the indentured Indians to come to Trinidad aboard the S.S. Ganges in 1917. He arrived on Nelson Island with some of his friends, a camera and a gramophone, and took a quantity of pictures, capturing a unique moment when cultures clashed.
Duruty told me that the newly arrived had never seen these devices, a machine that produced musical sounds, and as for the camera, they had no idea what it did. Interestingly, the record that he played that day was the world-famous Cab Calloway singing, “I ain’t got nobody and nobody cares for me”. This refrain, both tragic and ironic, was played over and over as the young Indian girls danced and arranged and re-arranged the hair of Gregory’s friends, young Trinidadian women. The Indian men stood in rows for their photographs to be snapped before beginning the long journey towards an uncertain destiny. The meaning of the words of the song may well have been lost on all of them, the significance of the occasion—it being the last of the indentured to arrive in Trinidad—hardly grasped. Such is the naiveté of beginnings!
The transportation of some 143,939 persons to Trinidad from India over the period 1845 to 1917 radically altered the ethnic configuration of Trinidad’s already heterogeneous body politic. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the composition of Trinidad’s population differed from other islands in the Caribbean that had come into the hands of the British from the early 17th century on to the end of the Napoleonic wars. In the older British colonies these societies, based on plantation slavery, had already developed discernible social and cultural patterns that in a sense had matured over time. Tobago, Jamaica and Barbados for example had populations made up almost entirely of people of African descent, with relatively small populations of mixed-race people and a complement of Europeans: British administrators, low status whites, writing clerks, accountants, transients, planters—the majority of whom were absentee landlords represented by an attorney—the military, police and local merchant families of long standing.
Trinidad’s population, however, virtually arrived almost all at once. This was triggered by the Spanish government’s issuance of a Cedula of Population in 1783. The population rose from 126 whites, mostly Spaniards, 295 Free Blacks and Coloureds, [3]310 African slaves and 2,082 Amerindians in 1783, totalling 2,763, to a population of well over 90,000 in 1861-1871. This was comprised of 3,632 whites, of which about 80 percent were French Creoles, 18,724 Coloureds and 40,354 people of African descent, the descendents of the formerly enslaved, both native born and immigrants from other West Indian islands. [4]Almost all of these would have spoken French Patois and were in the main Catholic. There were some 2,000 Chinese and26,281 East Indians, as well as about 571 tribal people.
There was a steady and enduring influx of West Indians coming from both Catholic and Protestant islands, mostly black, some arriving Portuguese, and Africans taken off slave ships bound for Brazil and indentured in Trinidad.
This was a period when in the popular mind Trinidad was idealised as Iere, the land of the hummingbird. There was, interestingly, “a small emerging middle class of educated and respectable creoles of all colours who shared a common love of country and a common sense of identity,” as Anthony de Verteuil writes, [5]quoting John Jacob Thomas, the leading black intellectual of the day, from his book Froudacity.[6]This emerging middle class had its roots in the nucleus of European-descended French Creoles and the French and Patois-speaking Free Blacks and People of Colour of the late 18th century who had arrived here from the French islands as a result of the upheavals caused by the French revolution as well as those who were attracted by the generous terms of the Cedula.
The French-descended segment saw themselves as a racially pure, exclusive, aristocratic enclave, notwithstanding their elaborate and indeed intimate relationship with the Free Blacks and Coloureds. These were described by Brereton as “Like the white Creoles, they cherished the past … There was the same nostalgic feeling for aristocratic traditions and the same respect for birth and breeding.” Brereton quotes the French Creole historian Pierre Gustave Louis Borde who cites family traditions and describes relations between the two sectors before the British conquest as “cordial; ill-feelings crept in under the British regime”. [7]
The French Creoles and Free Coloureds shared the same page in the history of the Caribbean, bound together by a Francophone identity, shaped by a common past that included plantation life, miscegenation and slave-owning, as royalists and republicans, settlers and as refugees in Trinidad. Out of this grouping would emerge what we would call today a pressure group that would come to see itself as the Creole Party.

The Cedula of 1783 as the basis for the Afro-French-Creole impulse
To grasp the Creole Party’s hostility towards Indian indentureship, it is useful to understand what we call in this paper the Creole impulse. This was shaped by the Creoles’—both black and white—attitude towards what they perceived as the British occupation of Trinidad. In coming to Trinidad the French colonists, along with the Free Blacks and People of Colour, had been the net beneficiaries of the Cedula of Population of 1783. Carl Campbell observed: “If taken seriously—and the Cedula must be taken seriously as the outcome of a deliberate plan—it amounted to a new constitution for Trinidad.” [8]Collectively, the Cedulants gave to Trinidad a distinct French flavour expressed in language, dress, cuisine, the architecture of the town, their attitude to the English, and a dedication to religion and to the festival arts.
The Cedula of Population of 1783 was an especially liberal document for its time, if only for its recognition of the civil rights of the Free Blacks and Coloureds and its almost equitable land distribution aspects, as Campbell further notes: “The Cedula of 1783 laid the foundation for a plantation society in the colony, and this development was the most important thing to have happened in Trinidad since the Spanish came ashore in 1498.” [9]
The contents of the Cedula had been accepted in the drawing up of the articles of surrender when Trinidad passed from Spanish rule to English in 1797. This was upheld by the British government in 1829 when challenged by the colony’s first civil governor, Sir Ralph Woodford. A descendant of the Cedulants, a man of colour from the Naparimas, Jean Baptiste Philip, became its champion by bringing it to the attention of the British government, which upheld its contents, thus officially recognising the positions of both the resident French and the People of Colour in Trinidad. This recognition, defined by law, placed Free Blacks and People of Colour in Trinidad in a unique position for personal advancement. As Brereton comments:
“The government in London issued a law (March 1829) which abolished all ‘Disabilities to which His Majesty’s subjects of European birth or descent’ were not subject. This was the grant of full legal equality between whites and free coloureds which Philip and his colleagues had struggled for. In the words of the historian Carl Campbell, it was their ‘new charter of liberty’. It arrived in Trinidad in July 1829, just two weeks after Philip died, still in his early 20s.” [10]
As descendants, broadly speaking, of those who came to Trinidad under the terms of the Cedula the French Creoles, both black and white, came to believe themselves to be the founding fathers, a patriciate, or the ingroup. They represented, notwithstanding their differences, the biases of a class: economic, institutional, racial, ethnic, cultural, populist, patriotic, incipiently nationalistic and individualistic in nature. They considered themselves to be the true Trinidadians, the Creole Party, as they originally described themselves. [11]Their Francophone identity and nascent nationalism was expressed in the work of individuals such as John Jacob Thomas and Pierre Gustave Louis Borde. Thomas wrote The Theory and Practice of Creole Grammar, a description of Trinidad’s French Patois, becoming the first linguist of African descent to produce a grammar of a Creole language.Borde, a white French Creole, wrote Histoire de l'île de la Trinidad sous le gouvernement espagnol in French in two volumes. This was the first history of Trinidad written by a Trinidad-born historian. Its first volume and most of the second deals with Spanish times; it is in the last third of the second volume that Borde’s true intention expresses itself, for it is here that he relates the founding of modern Trinidad and gives a partial account of the life of the island’s ‘coloniser’, Philippe Rose Roume de Saint Laurent, a French Creole from Grenada, the promulgation of the Cedula of Population of 1783 and the establishment of the ‘founding fathers’. This volume also contains a partial list of the names of both the white French Creoles and the French-speaking Free Blacks and People of Colour, the earliest beneficiaries of the Cedula, the Cedulants.
The descendants of these settlers bridled at absolute British Crown Colony Rule and yearned for greater representation in the colony’s affairs. In essence, they tended to see the British as an occupier—a feeling that fuelled the Creole impulse. This Francophone cum Creole identity produced a distinctive culture that was based on an agricultural paternalistic lifestyle and expressed in a manner that was often seen as subversive by the colonial authorities. [12]

The Beginnings of Indentureship
Around Emancipation in 1834, the British government began to experiment with the importation of indentured labour into Trinidad to work the sugar estates. Small numbers of Chinese and Portuguese from the Atlantic islands were introduced in the opening decades of the 19th century. [13]However, as is known, these did not prove suitable for agricultural labour and tended towards commerce. The British then turned to India as a source of labour.
According to Donald Wood the sustained influx of East Indians from 1845 was hardly noticed at first, but accelerated swiftly to form
“by 1851, 6 per cent (4,169) of the population of 69,609; in 1861, 15.9 per cent (13,488) of the population of 84,438 and the largest immigrant group; in 1871, 25.1 per cent (27,425) of a population of 109,638, and 4,545 of them had been born in Trinidad itself. Over 20,000 were still working on the estates in 1871, either completing their industrial residence or on other forms of contract.” [14]
By 1901, Indians and their descendants made up 33% of the population. The indentured Indians were drawn from a variety of casts, sects, religions and backgrounds and also from different parts of the Indian subcontinent, and as such were in themselves a heterogeneous population. Trinidad’s ethnic mix was well underway to being unique.
One feature of East Indian indentureship was that the immigrants were separated on the cane and other estates from the main population. However, as their numbers grew and as they appeared in startling quantities in the towns, the ingroup increasingly perceived them not as transients but as permanent residents who, in the not so long run, could become a majority.

The Stigmatisation of the India Indentureds in the Creole Media
In Race Relations, Brereton explores in her chapter “The Indians” possibly for the first time in Trinidad and Tobago how a small ingroup harnessed the media to protest against Indian indentureship.
However, the words and arguments that were used in the editorial drew the attention away from the indentureship issue. Rather, the newspaper campaign led to the promotion of general racial prejudice against Indians among the wider Creole population. To achieve mass support, media manipulation was used by the Creole Party to create a vehement xenophobic reaction in a population that was ironically comprised of immigrants who had almost all arrived a generation or so before or were in many cases themselves immigrants from Europe or other West Indian islands. Ramcharitar, quoting Gilroy, interprets this as a mechanism to inculcate and institutionalise cultural insiderism. [15]Faith Smith in her book “Creole Recitations” points out that Indians became “crucial to definitions of the identities of … Black Creoles in the Caribbean” and adds “When Trinidadian elites assert Black respectability, this is sometimes secured by belittling Indians.” [16]
These newspapers were principally: the New Era, [17]the San Fernando Gazette,Echo of Trinidad, the Port of Spain Gazette [18] andPublic Opinion. [19]These papers were owned or influenced by the Creole Party, whose members towards the end of the 19th century began to call themselves the Reform Movement. Over time, the membership’s proportion of European-descended “Cedulants” shrank and more Afro-Creole members joined the ranks of the movement. However, their delineation between ingroup and outgroup continued. What was the purpose of this “Creole impulse” to fan the flames of anti-Indian sentiment in the population?
The Creole Party’s, and later the Reform Movement’s, aim was principally to change the nature of Crown Colony rule while seeking for themselves, as men of education and substance, greater participation in the administration of the colony and more meaningful representation in the City Council and in the island’s legislature, in as much as these institutions were dominated by British planter and merchant interest. To achieve the mass support needed they singled out an outgroup’—the Indian immigrants—and positioned themselves as the ‘ingroup’ opposed to Indian indentureship. Their opposition to indentureship was not based on humanitarian grounds, but on perceiving Indian immigration as a symbol of the power and privilege of the British planters and merchants, representing the dominance of British Crown Colony rule to which they were opposed.
By singling out Indian indentureship as a policy of the colonial government and by stereotyping the arriving Indians, the Creole Party / Reformists sought to and actually established an absolute sense of ethnic and cultural difference between themselves as residents and the Indians as aliens, all through the use of newspapers. This anti-Indian media thrust was undertaken by a relatively small coterie of men who were in the first instance almost all French and English Creoles, [20]notably Louis de Verteuil, Philip Rostant and Robert Guppy, but who would be joined over time by coloureds and blacks who, according to Brereton, were “involved in the local press to a considerable extent,” [21] and who would eventually take over the movement.
The newspapers mentioned above promoted ideas that encouraged the population to think along the lines of greater political involvement and of reforms in the constitutional structure of the colony. As Brereton notes, “Through papers managed by these editors and printers, therefore, educated blacks and coloureds had an outlet for the expression of their grievances and aspirations.” [22] She gives the example of editor Samuel Carter who, in an editorial published in the San Fernando Gazette, summed up this view:
“A Crown Colony is a despotism tempered by the Press. . . In Trinidad, more than in any of the other Colonies, has the existence of the independent Press been an absolute necessity; in none has it done more good.” [23]
As Brereton notes later in her Race Relations, “These papers took the position that Indian immigration was carried on to serve the selfish interest of the planters, to the detriment of the wider community.” [24] Using Indian immigration as an example, the newspaper editors framed their arguments to demonstrate the overwhelming power of the occupying British imperial government so as to arouse indignation in a population that had not previously shown any particular resentment to newcomers.
Brereton’s thought-provoking research in her chapter “The Indians” of Race Relations demonstrates how through the use of newspapers the attitude of the majority of Trinidadians towards the arriving indentureds, especially of those who considered themselves born and bred Creoles or ‘Trini to the bone’ as one would say today, became one where the Indians were stigmatised, distinguished from the rest of the society in a negative way. Their differences, racial, cultural and religious, were made distinctly obvious and perceived as odious.
For example, the indentureds’ tendency towards frugality was used to pour scorn on them. Thrift was perceived as lacking amongst the Creoles, black and white. Even though much thought of as a virtue in the Victorian period, thriftiness was portrayed as a vice in the entire Indian population. The San Fernando Gazette thought that Indians would “go hungry, starve, live on rice and pepper as well as systematically perjure themselves in court to defeat the ends of justice for their own interest.” [25]
All Indians were vilified and stereotyped as willing to work for starvation wages; their frugality in lifestyle appeared incompatible with that of the Creoles. Brereton quotes the New Era, “the liberal organ of the black and coloured middle class”, which declared:
“The Coolie is notoriously with us only, but not of us. He gives nothing for what he takes, and thus contributes but little to the wealth of the country. He hoards his treasure to take it back to his native land, and while among us, consumes hardly anything of our imports.” [26]
Historian Donald Wood writing in 1968 observed,
“A coloured editor whose paper stood for the rights of the Negro population wrote: ‘We do however assert without exaggeration or contradiction that of the human race, none, as regards clothing, food, or other care of the body, approaches more to the brute creation than the Coolie. They generally go naked and show no disposition to abandon this habit.’” [27]
The self-negating, ultra-ascetic diet of the Indian indentured is also remarked upon by Vincent Tothill who, practicing as a physician in 1937, observed:
“[The Indians’] evening meal will be at sundown. This consists of one huge communal pot of boiled rice. It may be flavoured with a little curry or coloured with saffron, and the only vegetable is a red pepper. There is nothing else; no meat, as these people are vegetarians. The same monotonous diet day after day and year after year; no wonder they have no physique. But what can you buy for two shillings a day? … In Trinidad nearly every Indian agricultural worker of thirty shows vitamin deficiency. This is manifested by a chronic cough and emphysema of the lungs. … They are far too tired at the end of a hot day’s work in the cane fields to do anything but cook the pot of rice.” [28]
Newspapers also resorted to more offensive stereotyping, as Brereton notes:
“Indians were regarded as deceitful and prone to litigation; there was no understanding that the Indian might not understand the moral force of an oath in a western court, or that he was often forced into litigation—for instance, to inherit his father’s property if he died without a will, since the vast majority of Indians in the period were illegitimate in the eyes of the law.” [29]
The San Fernando Gazette held the view that the indentureds were not viable settlers because they had no real commitment to the colony. The Indian was “a dead weight. . . inert in all matters of Christian civilisation, and only a temporary aid to a development entirely material. He has no sympathy with the social and moral wants of the place.” [30]However, Brereton observes that in truth the Indians, through dint of hard work, had solved the colony’s financial situation 40 or 50 years prior, after the Emancipation of the slaves, and had become an essential adjunct to the island’s economy by producing a substantial quantity of food as owners of livestock and as rice and vegetable farmers on a large scale.
In various articles that appeared in this period fear of the Indian population was manufactured, the San Fernando Gazettecommented on “the riotous tendency of coolies when banded together and the wonderful facility with which, under the least excitement, they are led into acts of violence and brutality.” [31]In this statement, the editor of the Gazettelinked the 1857 mutiny in India of elements of the Indian Army that had led to mass killings of English civilians in Calcutta and other places in India to local wife murders and isolated cases of violence on the estates. It was said that the shortage of Indian women at times did cause crimes of passion and this, compounded by the sustained memory of the Mutiny, resulted in branding the Indians with a potential for mass violence. [32]
In the 1880s, industrial action taken by Indians on the cane estates triggered anxieties.As the Moslem festival of Hosein approached in 1884, the Port of Spain Gazette urged:
“Let it not be forgotten that these Asiatics now form one third of our population, and that, fanatics of an effete superstition and a most corrupt form of ethics, they must, as a matter of self-preservation, be kept in subjection to our laws under pain of the most disastrous results.” [33]
For the Gazette thought Indians to be a people “whose every thought and habit are antagonistic to our system of civilisation”. [34]Disastrous results did occur in October of 1884 when police, after the riot act was read, shot and killed more than twelve Indians in the vicinity of San Fernando, wounding one hundred and four in what was called then the Hosay Riots. [35]Brereton observed: “Although no serious Indian insurrection ever occurred, the fears persisted.” [36]She quotes a newspaper correspondent who wrote in the year following the shootings in San Fernando:
“The day is not far off, when these Coolies, bent on having everything their own way, and meeting the slightest resistance on the part of the authorities, will break out in open rebellion, and reproduce here the barbarities of the great chief Nana Sahib in British India a few years ago,”
and continues:
“Indians soon acquired a reputation for violence which was almost completely undeserved. Indeed, an essential element in the host society’s reaction to the newcomers was fear: fear of their potential for violence and rebellion.” [37]
This intense media-generated xenophobia was heightened as the steady increase in the Indian population was noticed by the colony’s urban population. The Port of Spain Gazette claimed that “Trinidad might soon cease to be a West Indian Island, as Indians came to ‘swamp’ Creoles, ‘so that the mistakes of Columbus will have been ethnologically rectified.’” [38]The social development of the Indian segment of the population tended to be quite separate from Creole life. Indians scarcely had sexual or close social relationships with Creole men and women. Brereton describes how in 1871, twenty-six years after the first indentured Indians arrived in Trinidad, the Protector of Immigrants believed that no single case of cohabitation of male or female with Creoles existed and up to 1917 such cases were very rare. [39]This again was seen as strange by the Creole population, as miscegenation had been the common practice in the Caribbean for centuries.
As the reform militants generated these injurious notions, several prominent white, black and coloured spokesmen such as Philip Rostant, activist and editor of Public Opinion, and C.P. David, QC, the first person of African descent to sit in the Legislative Council, increasingly opposed indentureship. Henry Alcazar, a coloured Spanish Creole who also sat on the Legislative Council, pointed out the abundance of labour and maintained that further immigration would only depress wages and cause unemployment. He said that the black masses were being pauperised by the artificial state of things created by Indian immigration, and that the labour market of the colony, especially in the sugar districts, was so overstocked that the earnings of the black working classes were miserably low. He thought they were unable to find more employment than is absolutely necessary to keep starvation from their doors. [40]
Not that this was factually wrong. The policy of continuing indentureship did indeed lead to depressed wages, which affected all labourers, the black masses as well as the Indians who were coming out of indentureship contracts and onto the labour market. Starvation wages were the reality for all.

Religious differences are magnified by the media
Throughout the 19th century, the political divisions in the colony tended to be along the lines of the French-Patois-Catholic majority and the Anglo-Protestant colonisers, each vying for dominance in the society. Part of the Creole impulse was the opposition against British domination exercised through the Anglican Church and ward school system that emphasized English. However, with the influx of the Indians, both Christian denominations came together in the ‘ingroup’, defining and indeed ridiculing in a contemptuous way the ‘outgroup’ based on their religion.
Essentially, the Christian population increasingly had a hostile view of the Indians, who were in the main Hindus and Moslems, and stigmatised them as heathens. As heathens, i.e. persons who do not belong to a widely held religion and in the case of the Hindus, have a polytheistic religion, the newspapers of the Christian ingroup stereotyped all Indians as an immoral people, unprincipled, deceitful, prone to perjury, and thieves. Brereton observed, “From the Euro-Christian perspective of the dominant groups, Indians were generally judged to be an immoral people,” and she continues, “Indeed, newspapers hostile to Indian immigration often contrasted Indians unfavourably with the British West Indian immigrants as potential settlers.” [41]
According to the newspapers, it was inconceivable that anyone who was not a Christian could be moral, honest and just. The newspapers carried this further in their judgment of Hindu and Moslem ceremonies and festivals such as Hosein and the fire pass as “a degrading practice” and “vile customs”, “scandalous performances carried on by gangs of semi-barbarians”, and “painted devilry.”
These views were amplified by the missionaries, whose statements were carried in the press. They thought that the Indians possessed “a low sense of sin.” Brereton writes that “John Morton, the pioneer Canadian missionary, thought they were morally unprincipled and degraded; husbands and wives were unfaithful, the women were ‘quite as wicked as the men, and more ignorant and prejudiced’.” “A jury knows,” wrote Henry Taylor of the Colonial Office in 1871, “that a Coolie is presumably a liar”. It would appear that the jurors were actually instructed by the legal professionals of the day to think so, as Smith points out in her Creole Recitations:
“In 1870, ... Michel Maxwell Philip instructed a jury: ‘You have sat there over and over as jurors, and you are all aware what value you can attach to the unsupported evidence of coolies. You know with what unscrupulous hardihood they violate the most sacred of the sanctions which represent as binding them to tell the truth.’ Philip then offered ‘proof’ of Indians’ propensity to lie by reading ‘from a work bearing on this point of the East Indian character.” [42]
Smith assumes that Philip then quoted from a travelogue, which in those days were the heavily biased observations of transient British visitors to the Caribbean like Trollope, Day, Froude and Kingsley, to name a few.
The Rev. R. H. Moor opined,
“The Creole, as a rule looks down on the Indian; he is a semi civilised being. He speaks in barbarous languages and his manners are barbarous. . . He takes work cheaper than the Creoles will do, hence he must be ill-treated when he can be ill-treated with impunity.” [43]
Through years of newspaper rhetoric, what had begun as criticism of the indentureship programme as a rallying point against Crown Colony rule mutated into a widely held, fixed and oversimplified stereotype as well as an enduring hostile attitude by the Creole ingroup toward the Indian outgroup in Trinidad. Brereton observed:
“By the later years of the century, Creoles were well aware of the economic threat posed by the Indians, and a systematic critique of Indian immigration was developed by spokesmen for the coloured and black middle class.” [44]
Other factors reconfirmed the ingroup’s attitude towards the outgroup. Throughout the late 19th century and well into the 20th in the urban areas, the Indians held mostly low status jobs—street sweepers, garbage collectors—and were perceived as miserable and suffering. Indian men, women and children appeared as street dwellers in startling quantities, destitute, the flotsam from the plantations. In the context of their culture, some were mendicants; this too was misunderstood by non-Indians. Often malnourished and ill with hookworm infestation, malaria and leprosy, they were seen as abhorrent. Institutions such as the jail, Leper Asylum, the hospital and the House of Refuge appeared to be at times disproportionately populated by Indians. This created an impression that Indians, in the judgment of society, could be perceived as inferior beings.
In 1917, 70% of the Indians were agricultural workers, maintaining religious forms, cultural practices and a clear identity by retaining their names, and forming strong family ties, village and community interest in settlements that were entirely comprised of Indians. Small retail businesses owned by Indians were appearing, laying the foundations for substantial enterprises that a generation hence would generate envy amongst all the Creoles. Indian groupings representing particular local interest were taking shape, such as the East Indian National Association; these would evolve eventually into political movements. Brereton mentions that the first Trinidadian newspaper to be owned by an Indian,the Indian Kohinoor Gazette, with material in both Hindi and English appeared in 1898. [45]
A handful of Indian families would eventually make their way into the colonial establishment. Here Brereton observes a reaction to decades of hostile stereotyping.
“But we can feel fairly sure that the contempt was mutual. The Indians, heirs to the system of caste, soon decided that by the guidelines of that system, the blacks were hopelessly polluted. They invented a myth about the origin of the blacks, which identified them with the ungodly and the polluted. Blacks engaged in occupations which were ritually impure, they ate the flesh of cattle and pigs, and in general their habits seemed unacceptable to most Indians. In effect, Indians tended to regard blacks as the equivalent of untouchables, and this attitude prevailed especially in the question of intermarriage.” [46]
The notion of perceiving the Indian population as not really belonging to the island’s overall population, when coupled with other negative stereotyping, produced in the minds of a generation of Afro-French-Creole Trinidadians and West Indian migrants, born in the opening decades of the 20th century, a deep animosity against a large and differentiating aspect of the population in such a derogatory manner that it would have lasting consequences. Over time, Trinidadians from various walks of life accepted views such as those described in the newspapers of the time about Indians and Indian religious practices, music, culture and later cinema, and generally tended to avoid and to openly ridicule these.
The newspapers’ steady attack on Indians and indentureship lasted some thirty years, transferring a deep hostility against Indians amongst the young of yet another generation of the Creole ingroup, and even among the many newcomers who were arriving in Trinidad from the West Indian islands and who had no idea of the issues that were originally at the heart of this prejudice. This prejudice was echoed in calypso, thus popularising in an amusing and entertaining manner a grave injustice. It could be argued that similar to some emigrants from parts of Eastern Europe, where the black presence is negligible, who, upon arriving in the USA, adopted the same racist attitudes towards blacks as white people from the deep South, many of the tens of thousands of West Indian immigrants, on whose islands there were few if any Indians (with the exception of British Guiana), who came to Trinidad from the period of between the world wars on to the present, assimilated the ingroup’s Indophobia. 
Brereton explains:
“Very few Trinidadians, black or white, tried to understand the culture or social organisation of the Indian community, or the changes which that community was experiencing in the later years of the century. The attitude of the host society to the new arrivals from the East was almost entirely negative. Because the Indians entered the society on peculiarly disadvantageous terms, as indentured labourers replacing ex-slaves, it was only too easy for black and white Trinidadians to despise them. The legal disabilities of indentureship set the Indians apart from the rest of society, as unfree and inferior beings; the low status jobs which they performed on the sugar estates made it possible for the recently freed blacks to look down on them. Partly as a result of the indentureship, partly because of the Indians’ culture and religions, a whole collection of unfavourable stereotypes was built up during the nineteenth century, which did much to form the attitudes of the host society towards the immigrants and their descendants.” [47]

Indophobia is carried into the Independence process
Opposition to Crown Colony rule and a lingering adherence to a Francophone cultural identity formed the basis of the Creole impulse, one that by well into the twentieth century differentiated itself in race consciousness expressed in nationalistic terms. This Creole impulse, which shaped the origins of the later nationalistic movement, expressed by the class that had created it, would produce personalities in Trinidad such as the white French Creole Philip Rostant, and black and mixed race men such as Emmanuel Mzumbo Lazare, C. P. David, Edgar Maresse-Smith, and later another white French Creole, Arthur Cipriani who was succeeded by the Portuguese politician Albert Gomes and shape the political future for black people. The Creole impulse, expressed as race consciousness, was further popularised and politicised around the world by born Creole scholars such as John Jacob Thomas, Sylvester Williams, George Padmore, C.L.R. James, and Eric Williams. Their ideas would affect the thinking of journalists and academics, philosophers and politicians in the West Indies, Africa and in other colonies, as colonialism came to an end by the 1960s.
It is with interest we note that when the Independence movement commenced in the 1950s, the Indians in the Caribbean were again portrayed as a threat, this time to national security, or should we say international security in the context of the Cold War. In British Guiana, where there had been a similar indentureship programme as in Trinidad, Indians, who were in the majority there, were perceived by the British government as having been politicised by the left-leaning politics of Cheddi Jagan. It was believed that such politics would also find fertile ground amongst the Indian population in Trinidad and Tobago and particular individuals and certain Hindu institutions were placed under police watch. [48]
On the political platforms of Trinidad’s nationalist movement many of the 19th century stereotypes were resurrected and evoked by the historian-turned-politician Eric Williams (born 1911), creating fresh and even longer lasting divisions. In 1956 Williams maintained vitriolic attacks against the Indian community in speeches made at Woodford Square and in other places throughout the country. Winston Mahabir, a politician of Williams’ own party PNM recalls “It contained generous ingredients of abuse of the Indian community which was deemed to be a ‘hostile and recalcitrant minority’. The Indian community represented the greatest danger facing the country. It was an impediment to West Indian progress. It had caused the PNM to lose the federal elections. There were savagely contemptuous references to the Indian illiterates of the country areas who were threatening to submerge the masses whom Williams had enlightened.”[49]This speech, according to Mahabir was repeated at other venues. Vidia Naipaul, who also heard such a speech, remarked that “Much of the hostile feeling released by the sacrament of the square would have focussed on the Indians, who made up the other half of the population.” [50] It was a case of evoking an act of memory, cultivated in the present, in which the past and the future met.

Conclusion
Brereton’s study poses several questions that lie unanswered in the collective psyche of the non-Indian descended population of Trinidad and Tobago. Does society need to reexamine the way in which the segment that perceives itself as the ingroup—today’s media, the calypso fraternity and academia included—continues to stereotype all Trinidadians of Indian descent? Has this stereotyping continued as an inherent tradition in today’s media as the inheritor of the ethos of newspapers of the 19th century and early 20th century? Does Indophobia and by extension Anti-Hinduism exist in Trinidad and Tobago? And if so, is it manufactured and perpetuated by the media? And did it come about as the result of the machinations of the political energies of a specific ingroup, nascent nationalists of a bygone era who were seeking self-determination during the British colonial period at the expense of an outgroup? When the ingroup falters or fails, does it find a scapegoat in the outgroup to blame for its own shortcomings? Does the outgroup facilitate this by its maintenance of difference? Is it right to maintain difference?
The answer to all these questions is clearly “yes”. The work of Bridget Brereton in 1978 laid the first stepping-stones on the road of re-examination of the role of the press in a pluralistic society. A healthy society should neither condone nor allow its media to engage in stereotyping and scapegoating—many of us will remember the events of July 1990, which, according to Gordon Rohlehr, were a direct result of a society that was engaged in scapegoating its own government.[51]As New York Times columnist Frank Rich said: “It’s a story as old as history. Once any group is successfully scapegoated as a subhuman threat to ‘normal’ values by a propaganda machine, emboldened thugs take over.” [52]As can be seen in the case of the pronouncements made in the newspapers of the late 19th century, they did not reflect any so-called “fourth estate” responsibility (which is, in view of newspapers largely being owned by and serving commercial or political interest, largely a fictitious concept perpetuated by the media houses themselves), but the narrow political views of a handful of in this case very ignorant people. The Creole Party/Reform Movement knew or cared nothing about the very ancient and valid cultural, social and emotional background of the human beings from India in their midst. As can also be seen, the damage that the Creole Party/Reformists did through their agitation in the newspapers was far-reaching and it has been argued that the Trinidad and Tobago press continues to perpetuate the stereotypes that their predecessor organs set in place such a long time ago. [53]
Carroll in Constantine’s Sword, a book on the nature and far reaching consequences of prejudice, quotes William Faulkner: “‘The past is never dead, it is not even past.’ It is the act of memory, cultivated in the present, in which past and future meet. Memory—as opposed to a mere cataloguing of bygone episodes and doctrines—presumes a personal commitment, a sense of urgency and implicit hope.” Bridget Brereton’s work as a historian is, to quote Carroll, an “act of personal and institutional memory, and not merely as the repetition of records or the reassertion of conventional interpretations”. Her work is an “act of responsibility to the future.” [54]
It is now up to a young generation of social scientists, many of whom are indeed of Indo-Trinidadian descent, to make their voices heard and focus their own work on exterminating Indophobia in their own country, in their own time—and in their own media. Because, as Carroll observes, “to expose the biases of the past, however, does not mean one does so free of the biases of the present, because it is the nature of bias that the one inflicted with it is the last to know.”


Appendix
A list of members of the Creole Party in 1871 published the Echo of Trinidad. They were congratulating one of their number on his attaining a position on the local bench. The individuals who may be identified as men of colour are marked*. Those who may have arrived after the 1860s-70s are marked #. These characterisations are based on my knowledge of who most of these men were and having an idea of when they came to Trinidad.
L.A.A. de Verteuil
André Bernard
Charles M. Vessiny
Paul Vessiny
Charles Besson
P.J. Creteau *
H. Creteau *
Jos. S. Agostini
George Fitt #
Jas. Schaeffer #
Henry Ganteaume
John Agostini
Felix Hernandez
Ad. Wuppermann #
John Roberts
Fritz Zurcher #
Ludwig Schoner #
Wilh. Ehlers #
C. G. F. Urich #
Charles Mahand
George Wuppermann #
E. Zurcher #
Pierre B. André
P. Emile André
L. A. F. André
P. Pampelonne
D. L. O’Connor
Eugene Boissière *
Louis Boissière *
W. Norman #
F. Maingot
Alex. Coryat
Charles G. Pantin
Louis Voisin
Richard Dick #
E. Pampelonne
Fs. Martin
E. F. Lange
Ante. Sicard
J. B. Antoine
A. Joliclere
John W. Blondel *
T.R.N. Laughlin
Charles Cotton #
Charles Gibbon #
Charles Thavenot #
J. George Radix *
V. Plummer
A. M. Cook
Ths. A. Finlayson #
F. J. Scott
Jules Pollonais
Jos. P. Pollonais
F. C. Mathieu *
A. A. Ligouro
S. G. Richard
W. R. Eckstern
C. A. Frett
Philip Fort
James Henry Rat *
L.D. O’Connor
H. Massy
Arthur Demile
John de Souza
G. R. Baillie
 James Banting
 Wm. Herbert
 F. Hyndman. jnr.
 Ls. A. Pollonais
Paul Ambard *
Albert Lack
 John Fred. Rat *
George Fuller
 James A. Rousseau *
Louis Boon
A. Valsaint
Em. Fernandez
Louis Bath *
Francis Damian
C. M. S. Griffith
George Greenidge
Jackson Collymore *
Jules E. Attale *
Jos. G. Rochemont
Léon Agostini
M. James Kavanagh #
Lucian F. Ambard *
J. R. Saunier
J. H. Cournand
Arnold Lamy
Chs. Salomon
Isambert Rousseau *
G. Borde
John Vincent
Ernest Desroses
George Fitzwilliam
Chs. Fitzwilliam
J. B. Léotaud
Hte. Cornilliac
W. E. Lynch
Ls. Geoffroy *
Louis Latour
Paul Giuseppi
Jose Penco *
Js. Herbert Rat *
 J. Pampelonne
 Louis Jno. Alcazar *
Philip H. Blanchard *
P. Josse Delisle
Joseph Lewis
Charles P. Savary
George Lewis Garcia
A.T. O’Connor
James Fraser
Edmund D. Felix
Fs. M. Petioni
B. Barony
Paul A. Dubuisson
John A. Bourne
L. Dumoret
Léon Giuseppi
M. Maxwell Philip *
A. Fitzjames
Fs. Blanch Fraser *
J. E. Cipriani *
R. Scott
Robert K. Wight
G. Ajax Cadet *
H. J. Clark *
P. N. Bernard
John Ross
P. C. O’Connor
Jules Espinet * 


[1]        Unless otherwise stated, all quotations from Brereton in this article are taken from her Race Relations in Colonial Trinidad 1870–1900, 1979.
[3]This designation was a legal definition that distinguished them from the African slaves.
[4]        Besson, Brereton, Book of Trinidad, 1991, from Hart, Daniel, Historical and Statistical Views of Trinidad.
[5]de Verteuil, Anthony, The Years of Revolt, 1984, 221. “Creole” first meant Europeans born in the western world, later this definition was broadened to include white, black and mixed-race people living in Trinidad.
[6]The pinnacle of John Jacob Thomas’ accomplishments came in 1876, when an Englishman by the name of James Anthony Froude published a scathing attack on the black population of the West Indies in his book The Bow of Ulysses. Thomas replied with a spirited attack on Froude and his odious opinions, and he published his rebuttal in a book entitled Froudacity (1889). The book attracted international attention, and Thomas established himself as an author of exceptional scholarship and ability. He also published The Theory and Practice of Creole Grammar (1869), a scholarly work on the Creole patois spoken by the majority of Trinidadians in the 19th century
 [7]        Brereton, 86
[8]Campbell, Carl, Cedulants & Capitulants, 1992, 86-92
[9]        ibid. The plantation system endured from 1783 to the 1960s.
[10]        Brereton, Bridget, “The Free Mulatto”, Trinidad Express, 27 March, 2013 (http://www.trinidadexpress.com/commentaries/The__free_mulatto_-200355371.html?m=y&smobile=y, accessed 3 March, 2015)
[11]A sample of the Creole Party’s composition is given in Appendix 1.
[12]        Some historians remember it as the ‘Jamet’  culture of east Port of Spain.  The Jamet or diametre society meaning to be outside of the diameter of polite society, is discussed in Caribbean Quarterly 1956 by several social scientists. This laid the foundation for calypso, carnival and steelband and endured into the 1950s when it was subsumed and eventually overwhelmed by the new nationalist movement. Today, these art forms are mainstream and are considered to be ‘national.’
[13]        Although European, the Portuguese were not considered “socially white” by the Creole ingroup for almost one hundred years, as was the case with the Syrians and Lebanese, who came from the 1910s to the present. It could be argued that this continues up to today.
[14]Wood, Donald, Trinidad in Transition, 1968, 158
[15]“The essential trademark of cultural insiderism, which also supplies the key to its popularity, is an absolute sense of ethnic difference. This is maximised so that it distinguishes people from one another and at the same time acquires an incontrovertible priority over all other dimensions of their social and historical experiences and identities. Characteristically, these claims are associated with the idea of a national belonging or the aspiration to nationality and other more local but equivalent forms of cultural kinship.” Gilroy, Paul, The Black Atlantic, as quoted in Ramcharitar, Raymond, Breaking the News, 2005, 19.
[16]        Smith, Faith, Creole Recitations, (2002) 20
[17]The New Era was established by Samuel Carter and Joseph Lewis, both coloured, in 1869; Lewis ran the paper alone from 1874 to 1891. It was closed at his death. Carter, a Tobagonian, acquired the San Fernando Gazetteafter parting with Lewis and ran it until his death in 1895.
[18]The Port of Spain Gazette was owned T.N.R. Laughlin, an Irish-French-Creole and later by A.P.T. Ambard, a coloured man.
[19]The Public Opinion was financed by Hypolite Borde and edited by Philip Rostant, both French Creoles. Hypolite Borde was the brother of Pierre Gustave Louis Borde mentioned earlier. Hypolite donated a fountain with a statue of Columbus to the city of Port-of-Spain in 1897. He was also made a Chevalier of the Légion d’Honneur by the French Republic.
[20]Brereton also notes that, “Towards the end of the century the French Creoles lost leadership in the radical movements of the day to coloured or black individuals like Alcazar, Edgar Maresse-Smith, and C.P. David.” Race Relations, 55
[21]ibid, 96
[22]ibid, 97
[23]ibid, 96
[24]ibid, 186
[25]ibid, 186
[26]ibid, 188
[27]Wood, op cit, 156
[28]        Tothill, Vincent, Trinidad’s Doctor’s Office, 1938 & 2009, 132 f
[29]Brereton, op cit, 190
[30]ibid, 188
[31]ibid, 187
[32]The actual proportion of females to males dispatched from India to Trinidad on paid-for passages (not including those that paid their own passage) between 1844 and 1871 was 38.79%. Afterwards, a quota of 40% was established. The average proportion between 1874 and 1917 was 43.81%. (Source: Mr. Geogheghan’s Report, pp 1874, XLVII, 496 as quoted in K.O. Laurence, A Question of Labour, 1994, 536)
[33]ibid, 187
[34]ibid, 188
[35]Collens, J. H. in an historical account, 1885, wrote: “During the Canboulay Riots in Port of Spain in 1882, his [Capt. Baker’s] policemen were armed only with cudgels and were severely beaten by rioters. When unrest among the Indians began in 1881-82, he was determined to use deadly force against any future dissidents.” Virtual Museum of T&T, www.facebook.com/virtualmuseum.oftrinidadandtobago
[36]Brereton, op cit, 184
[37]ibid, 187
[38]ibid, 186
[39]        ibid, 183
[40]        ibid, 188
[41]ibid, 186f
[42]        Smith, op. cit. 125
[43]Brereton, op. cit. 188
[44]ibid, 190
[45]        ibid, 191        . Kohinoor was a famous diamond, surrendered to the British crown on the annexation of the Punjab. It forms today part of the British Crown Jewels. Trinidad referred to itself as a “Crown Jewel” among the British colonies, a linguistic parallel that may have been inspired the naming of the newspaper.
[46]        ibid, 188       
[47]        ibid, 186        
[48]“In the monthly political report for May 1953 the then Governor of the colony [Trinidad & Tobago] H. Hubert Rance states; ‘The latest reports indicate that the Indian element led by the Honourable Bhadase Sagan Maraj has been working steadily through the United Sanatan Dharam Maha Sabha Association towards their goal of political control of the Colony.’ (CO 1031/127) (Figueira, Daurius, The East Indian Problem in Trinidad & Tobago 1953-1962 Terror and Race War in Guyana 1961-1964, 2009, 2)
[49]Mahabir, Winston, In and Out of Politics, 1978, 78.
[50]Naipaul, Vidia, A Way in the World, 1994, 35.
[51]The practice of singling out any group or indivedual for unmerited negative treatment or blame as a scapegoat. See Rohlehr, Gordon, 1992, The Shape of that Hurt, Apocalypso and the Soca Fires of 1990, 343.
[52]        New York Times October 13, 1998, as quoted in Carroll, James, Constantine’s Sword, 2001, 275
 [53]        Ramcharitar in his Breaking the News further explores this topic.
[54]        Carroll, op cit 62

Migration is Changing Trinidad’s Identity

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Interview with Gerard Besson
Cultural researcher, historian, blogger, writer, and founder/director of Paria Publishing Company Ltd
by Trinidad Guardian Reporter Shereen Ali, September 1, 2016

Intro:
In this land of many peoples and people of many ancestries, how do people see their ethnic heritage? How do they practice it, ignore it, or celebrate it?
On the occasion of our 54th year of independence from Britain, Guardian feature writer Shereen Ali spoke to T&T citizens of different backgrounds to ask how they see issues such as ethnicity, race and in some cases, their own uniquely diverse heritages. People, in their own words, helped paint a picture of an ever-changing, complex twin-island nation of many different ancestral influences.
Last week we heard from people of First Peoples ancestry. Yesterday and today, we hear from people who have European ancestry as part of their heritage. Today's contributions are from historian Gerard Besson, who describes himself as a mix of French Creole and African.

When you have to fill in a form asking you your race, what do you put?
I put “mixed”.

How do you see your ethnic roots & heritage? Is it important to how you define yourself, or is it irrelevant, an accident of birth?
I see myself as Afro-French Creole. It is important because it gives me a sense of identity. I see myself as being a part of the French/African-Creole, patois-speaking Catholic people of long ago.
But I think heritage goes beyond ethnicity. It goes to identifying yourself in terms of being a Trinidadian. And not only a Trinidadian, but for me, someone who was born and grew up in Port-of-Spain.

Do you celebrate your ethnic heritage, ignore it as irrelevant, or have mixed feelings about it?
I acknowledge and embrace my heritages. For example,in 1970 I empathised with Geddes Granger; I was only in my 20s at the time, but I understood deeplywhat the Black Power movement was about, and I empathised with it. It expressed itself in my work at the time. I didn’t ignore it.
And then on the other hand, at another time in my life, I went to France to see the village that my family had come from in the first place. It was a nice feeling to do that as well. So I think that I have celebrated both aspects of my heritages at some point in my life.
I also celebrate my ethnic heritages in the work I do as a historian. For instance, when I took an interest in the African part of my heritage I spent a few years researching the Rada people and Shango in Trinidad. I went to Haiti and to Brazil. I found great similarities.

Do you know about the beliefs and lifestyles of T&T people of different ethnic heritages from your own?
Yes. I’ve spent much time reading, researching and writing about people here. Dr Bridget Brereton and I, for instance, published a book in 1989 called “The Book of Trinidad”, really an anthology of different people’s writings and observations about T&T over the years. That book will give you a fairly good historical perspective.
And then, in a different kind of way, I recently published a historical novel on Trinidad called “Roume de Saint Laurent … a Memoir”. Roume is interesting because he was the person who was responsible to a considerable degree for the creation of a document called Cedula for Population. He was especially visionary for his time.
The significant thing about the Cedula for Population is that it enshrined the rights and the privileges of free black and coloured people in Trinidad. So that, yes, about 1,200 French European people came to Trinidad as a result of the Cedula, but 11,000 free black and coloured people also came! They were all French-speaking.
That document has been described by Professor Carl Campbell as the first Constitution of Trinidad. Because it spelt out the terms and conditions, in law, for people coming to living here. And it acted as precedent for many of the laws that came into existence subsequently. So much so that there is a distinguished jurist right now in Trinidad, retired, who is studying this particular document with a view to seeing how it has affected the evolution of jurisprudence in Trinidad.
I tell the story of Roume de Saint Laurent and his affairs and his adventures, but what I also do is publish the entire Cedula of Population, so people can get an understanding of the foundation of Trinidad. You see, people do not understand these foundational elements of our society.

Do you think race is important in T&T?
Race touches everything that we do.
T&T is a segmented society with a lot of overlaps, because of miscegenation over time — well, not a very long time when compared to Jamaica or Barbados, because both these islands are much older than Trinidad in terms of their colonial settlement. Tobago has a different history, its colonial experience is as old as Barbados.
Trinidad’s society came into existence suddenly. Before 1783 and the Cedula for Population, if can you imagine, the population was about 126 Europeans, a few hundred people of African descent, who were not really slaves because there was no industry, and a handful of Amerindians — tribal people.
From then on, with the advent of the Cedula and plantation slavery the population expanded.
Free blacks and coloured people as well as white French people brought slaves together with their own societal landscapes and political and religious views to Trinidad; as compared to Barbados and the older islands where the society developedover a long period, even though it was a period of slavery, their societies matured more slowly.
In Trinidad everything seems to have happened almost overnight. It went from a few dozen people in 1780s, to 50 years later, more than 50,000 people. So Trinidad began in a strange, unique way in itself.
Race in Trinidad is a very loaded topic. It morphs into politics very easily. And this is so, because of the movement for Independence, how that came about and who did it, and under which group it happened.
Because for a very long time, for some 200 and something years, Europeans controlled the economic landscape of Trinidad, and these white people were both local and foreign.
The local ones were in agriculture, mostly cocoa, and government service, and the foreign ones were in sugar, business and government. That is how it was. It was a society that was not as segregated as say Barbados, but still segregated in terms of class as well as race.
The black population, as it advanced, went into teaching, the Civil Service, law and medicine, and later gradually into other professions.
So those two groups, the local white group and the coloured, Afro group, controlled Trinidad completely.
They posessed a Creole identity. The Indians, who had arrived in 1845 to 1917 were largely confined to the countryside. For most of the 19th century, they often needed a pass to leave the estates – even if their indentureship was over.
All this changed after the world wars. After Independence, the children of the dominant groups began to go away to make a better life and a great many never came back. This was the French Creole people, mixed-race people, and people of African descent.
Trinidad has experienced in the last 50 or 60 years a demographic upheaval that no other island in the Caribbean has had, in that in the non-Indian population — this is in the Afro, mixed and other groups — say 500,000 or 600,000 people, over a third of that segment have gone away. And at the same time, about that same number of people have come from the other islands. That has been a blow to the identity that was formed from the 1780s to Independence.
No other island in the Caribbean has had the experience of hundreds of thousands of people going to it at the same time that so many people have left. The result of that is this:
The creole population, the product of the late 18thcentury and 19th century society, has had a huge dislocation caused by emigration and immigration.
This has produced a great disturbance within the cohesion of that group. A lessening of a Trinidadian identity. Now that is a seriousissue. I notice that recently some social scientists are beginning to comment on it.
Now, insofar as the Indian side of the population is concerned, it has been argued that there were some events that made Indian people feel more intensely “Indian”, and less intensely “Trinidadian”, such as the black power movement of the 70s, being in political opposition, after Independence, for such a long time, what thirty years; the work of the various Indian religious orders whether it is in the context of Hinduism or Islam. The  appearance of Bollywood as well as the increase in business and wealth. There were many things that happened in the last 40—50 years in the Indian community that have made Indians feel more Indian, in a sense; while, in a contrary sort of a way, also more Trinidadian.
With the dislocation in the creole society taking place and with a deepening in the Indian society of an identity, the division has become more sharp and more obvious.
So there has been a dislocation in the society instead of the predominant races finding common ground with the sharing of identity. And this is what we see played out in politics. Because you don't see it played out in daily life, you don't see it played out in love affairs, you don't see it played out in business and work, it is played out in politics, where political parties go after their imagined constituencies.
So with Independence and the movement of people, the loss of a significant part of the Creole population, has meant that Trinidad has lost a lot of its Creole soul, and acquired, on the other hand, an increased Caribbean reality.
And you see it in the disappearance of certain cultural forms. Carnival is not as it was. The music — calypso — hardly exists anymore. You have to go in search of it in the tents. It has been replaced by other musical forms. Patois is no longer heard — and you have to bear in mind that up until the 1940s and 50s, a large amount of people in both Indian Trinidad and certainly Creole Trinidad — spoke this language.
Another important factor that has also impacted on identity was the end of the agricultural sector.
People see the agricultural sector from the perspective of today. And they only see Indian people – the world of the cane farmer.
In truth, the agricultural sector in the past was enormous. It included a lot of black and French Creole and mixed people. It existed for some 200 years.
But the ending of the agricultural sector was one of the things that undermined notions of identity which were built through the 19th century and into the first half of the 20th century.
One of the effects of the loss of the agricultural sector is a more compassionlesssociety. Because when you have hundreds of thousands of people, whether they are Indian people, white people, mixed people or African people, who are devoted to the bringing up of livestock, who are devoted to gardening, market gardening, vegetable planting, to cocoa and coffee and so on, you have people who have a lot of love — for their animals and for their plants. You have to love your donkey!
So when you move hundreds of thousands of people out of that world of compassion, you create an increasingly compassionless society.
I think the agricultural sector died from the 1950s. The model that was introduced by Sir Arthur Lewis, the famous Nobel Prize-winning economist, in Trinidad, and through Dr Williams, saw a nation that would be modern and industrialised. It was a form of social engineering. A lot of these little islands in the Caribbean moved away from agriculture and went into tourism. It was considered modern, it was thought the thing to do. I do not believe it was the right thing.
So the combination of the end of the agricultural economy, the end of the railways (in itself a vast societal network of people who operated them), and then the displacement of so many people, in the emigration and immigration phenomena, created a dissonance and a collapse, a loss of identity.
You see, it was not only a brain drain; it was also a deep cultural drain. A lot of the identity of the 19thcentury to the first half of the 20th century began to fall away.
And what that culture has been replaced with is something imported through television, through cinema, and through the importation of black American culture. And you see it expressed in dance music and gangland activity and so on.
So what has happened is that the society on the whole, as a result of the Independence movement, has suffered more than it has gained.
The Indian segment of the society, however, because of the isolation, of being 30-40 years in opposition, and being apart from the Creole society, because of their extended family support, the pursuit of independence though economic means, the pursuit of education (there are more Indians with tertiary education, a startling number of them young women, than anybody else), has produced a society within the society that owns an economy that is very, very large. Whereas the other side of the society does not possess an economy; there is no big Afro business there – it depends on the State.
So these are the differences in the society that create the movements and the tensions and the feel of the place.
Prof Selwyn Ryan wrote in one of his articles some time ago that for 150 years, the elements of the white society and elements of the black and coloured society dominated Trinidad, possessed a hegemony over Trinidad, and this hegemony is now decreasing at a rate. He startled a lot of people with that, but what he said was true. Immigration and emigration have changed the landscape of Trinidad. All this has had a deleterious effect on the identity-forming mechanisms of the society.
Notions of identity as a Trinidadian or a Trinbagonian are increasingly becoming something more important than just merely how you vote at election time.
I think that there's a generation of people who are growing up, not necessarily young young people, but people in their 30s or 40s, who are increasingly beginning to come to an understanding about their own identity in the concept of a Trinidad & Tobago.

Do you think different ethnicities have different values?
I think different people have different values. This is not a matter of ethnicity. I think the human race is possessed of the same yardstick where it comes to morals, ethics, values. I think they all possess the same thing. So it’s not ethnic.
People express these values differently depending on how they have been socialised.

How long have you/your family had roots here (best estimate)?
Both my mother and father’s antecedents have lived here for more than 200 years. They named Besson Street in east Port-of-Spain after my family – my father’s ancestor came to Trinidad in 1787. Boissiere Village is named for my mother’s people.

What do you like and dislike about T&T culture?
I like most things about our cultures, except the recent introduction of extremely loud music.
Also, in order to analyse important issues such as the impact of immigration and emigration, you have to have information available. And the Central Statistical Office in Trinidad is one of the places from where you do not get statistics (laughs).
I am 74 years old. And what I have seen in my adult life is an enormous change in Trinidad. I mean, when you take something like the Red House – 30, 40, 50 years ago or more, leaving a significant building like the Red House in a dilapidated state would have been a big uproar. Same thing with President’s House. Now, increasingly, there are fewer and fewer people who care about those iconic sites, because they don’t mean much to them.


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